Paul McAuliffe (Dublin North West, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

I follow Deputy Crowe's contribution by acknowledging the work that Deputy Jim O'Callaghan did with me and Dublin City Council in returning the Countess Markievicz Na Fianna Éireann banner from the British Museum. On that occasion it was returned and is on public display. A lot more could be done on that.

I start my contribution by congratulating those people who took office, both at Executive level but also I imagine with a great sense of eagerness the Members of the Assembly. Anybody who gets involved in politics is elected so they can do things. I have no doubt there will be huge energy in that Chamber and in that Executive to try to achieve something. It is a very historic moment. Obviously, I congratulate Michelle O'Neill the first First Minister from the national side. That is worth acknowledging and it does say something.

It also sparks the conversation around what we used to call parity of esteem. Let me explain to those who may not be as familiar with the 1990s. At the time, parity of esteem was about saying that both communities had the right to aspire from their point of view and that that aspiration should be treated equally and should be respected. As the demographics change in Northern Ireland, so too does the responsibility of delivering parity of esteem. Previously, that responsibility lay with the majority unionist population, unionist politicians and the British Government. However, increasingly that responsibility will shift back towards nationalist Ireland. If we want to ensure that both communities - there are more than two communities on this island - have parity of esteem and if there is a growing number of people who believe in a united Ireland as I do, then it is up to us now to demonstrate how parity of esteem could be delivered within a united Ireland. It is up to us to talk to the unionist community about their concerns and their fears. I just say that because while it was a fantastic day to see a national as First Minister, it brings with it the responsibility of shifting ground.

Last year we celebrated the 25th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement. Recognising that achievement was incredibly important - recognising the people who moved out of their tribe, moved beyond their party positions, moved beyond their personal positions and came to a compromise. In many cases nobody won. People secured certain things, but nobody won. Out of all that, we have had the peace we have had, built on the key principles, the idea of pursuing it exclusively through peaceful means, the idea of parity of esteem, and the Downing Street Declaration that Britain would have no selfish, strategic or economic interest in Northern Ireland, which since Brexit the British Government has increasingly moved away from. Those principles that the peace process is built on are still as important today as they were prior to the Good Friday Agreement.

While we must acknowledge the achievement, there is a huge challenge ahead to ensure the Good Friday Agreement principles, if not the document itself, stay relevant. One of the most obvious conclusions from looking at the Chamber on the first day of the Assembly was the shift in the volume and numbers of the centre ground, of those people who did not vote for parties that had an affiliation to either side of the power-sharing and balance. That is a challenge because increasingly as time goes forward, we need to ask whether the Minister for Justice should be excluded from the Executive selection process. Is there a continuing logic for that? While technically there is a leader of the Opposition, in reality is there any significant opposition? How do we start to respect that middle ground? Perhaps people who come to Northern Ireland who do not have either affiliation or aspiration, very much see themselves as being of Northern Ireland. The programme that Andrew Trimble presented during the week demonstrated some of the complexities of identity and the conversation we have yet to have.

I believe reform of the structures of the Executive is an absolute must. However, the question is how to do that on the basis of an Assembly that effectively has been collapsed for 40% of its time. It has not functioned. On both sides, the trigger of collapse has been used. The only people that has hurt are the people in Northern Ireland who have not had that democracy and have not had their representatives meet for 40% of its existence. Can we imagine if in the past 25 years, the Dáil had not sat for 40% of the time? It would be just unacceptable. The idea that democracy can be collapsed has to be addressed. Yet at the same time, I am saying it needs to be reformed. I know my party leader often talks about us working the Good Friday Agreement and working it hard. He is right; we must do that. There is also an entire generation of people who do not have the sacred-cow view of the Good Friday Agreement that my generation would have. They ask the questions about why it cannot be changed.

I say this in reference to the American role in the peace process. I was particularly saddened when I heard Colum Eastwood say he would not be travelling to Washington this year. I hope the Taoiseach travels to Washington. I hope he expresses to the President of the United States exactly what the Irish people believe in regard to what is happening in Gaza and I hope he does so with a strong voice because Members in this House feel very strongly on it.

The American element is so important. I think of John Hume and what must have been hours and weeks wandering around Washington trying to look for a listening ear. I am saddened to think we are not continuing to use that to ensure the peace process in Ireland and in the Middle East can be furthered.

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