Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

Tapóidh mé an deis seo chun cúrsaí Thuaisceart na hÉireann a phlé. Cuirim fáilte roimh filleadh na n-institiúidí agus guím gach rath ar gach éinne a bheidh páirteach iontu sna blianta amach romhainn.

Two weeks ago, on 1 February, we celebrated St. Brigid's Day, long recognised in Ireland as signalling the beginning of spring. As the poet Raftery wrote, describing the change of the seasons:

Anois teacht an earraigh

beidh an lá ag dul chun síneadh,

Is tar éis na féil Bríde

ardóidh mé mo sheol.

"After St. Brigid's Day, I will set my course." On 3 February, Northern Ireland set a fresh course. Those who were elected in May 2022 took their seats in the Northern Ireland Assembly and the mandate given by that election was finally respected. I offer my congratulations to Michelle O'Neill and Emma Little-Pengelly and their families as they take up the roles as First Minister and Deputy First Minister, to Edwin Poots on assuming his role as Speaker and to all the other members of the executive. The immediate task of the new executive is to set out the policies and priorities that can drive Northern Ireland forward. I look forward to working with them all in what will be rewarding and challenging roles. I also wish Matthew O'Toole well, in his role as leader of the opposition in the assembly.

The return of Northern Ireland's political institutions, and by extension, the return to full operation of the North South Ministerial Council, was a necessary and overdue step forward. People from across politics and civil society, from all communities, from across these islands and from much further afield have rightly celebrated the restoration of the assembly and executive. However, it is a matter of regret that it took so long to get here. Opportunities have been missed and relationships must now be repaired.

The absence of functioning political institutions has had real effects on people's lives. In my visits to Northern Ireland over the past two years, I have heard directly the frustration at the lack of local ministers in office as people deal with multiple crises, including education and health systems operating under enormous pressures, cost-of-living challenges and public pay disputes. These are important issues requiring difficult and delicate choices, best made by local leadership who understand the trade-offs required.

Leadership will be required within and without the executive to address the risk of a growing disillusionment with politics that has emerged with the various suspensions of government in Northern Ireland, most recently since the May 2022 elections. While perhaps understandable, it is corrosive and counterproductive. All elected representatives have a duty to and vested interest in working to counter it. I am heartened by the conversations I have had with MLAs from all political backgrounds who are eager to serve their constituents, inject momentum into civic life and rebuild a sense of hope in the future.

I welcome that MLAs who were elected for the first time in 2022 will get the opportunity to do what all of us here do, namely, represent their constituents, raise their concerns in their assembly and advocate for their local communities. The vast majority of those elected recognise the need for functioning politics to find long-term sustainable solutions that can deliver a Northern Ireland that works. They understand the need for a devolved government that is prepared and ready to adapt and change to meet the many and complex challenges of the coming decades. I believe they also recognise that stop-start government has held Northern Ireland back.

A question being asked frequently and with increasing urgency is what work is required to ensure the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement are on the most sustainable possible footing. Some parties have presented detailed visions for the reform needed. Others reason that a much more restrained approach is required. Few would argue that the institutions have operated as effectively as we might have hoped. Clearly, respect for the fundamental protections and balances achieved in the Good Friday Agreement must be at the heart of conversations going forward. Equally clearly, structural change is needed. The people of Northern Ireland should not be expected to tolerate further cycles of instability and suspension of the institutions. As a co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement, the Government has a duty to protect the delicate balance of the agreement but it also has a duty to ensure that the institutions operate as effectively as possible.

I have said consistently that there must be room for the Northern Ireland parties and the British and Irish Governments to look together at the institutions to ensure they work for the Northern Ireland of today. The agreement itself provides for this. It is my view that the realities of today are not those of 1998 and that there is scope to consider some reform. I acknowledge this is a complex and sensitive matter, with different opinions around the table, but we simply need to find a way to end the cycle of instability, suspension and political torpor. Strong partnership between parties in Northern Ireland, and the Irish and British Governments, with respect for the fundamental principles of parity of esteem and rigorous impartiality, will be as crucial to any future arrangements as it has been to the crafting and operation of today's institutions across all the strands of the agreement.

The consolidation of peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland remains an ongoing journey and this restoration of the Executive represents another important milestone on that journey. I do not underestimate the work it took to get here. I acknowledge the leadership shown by Jeffrey Donaldson in bringing his party back to the devolved institutions, and the forbearance shown by other political parties in allowing time and space, even as public services came under enormous pressure. The Government also exercised patience during this period, as the DUP negotiated directly with the British Government to come to an agreement which would allow it to return to the Executive.

The path that brought us here raises potentially troubling issues. I have listened carefully to the criticism from Northern Ireland's party leaders of their exclusion from discussions between the DUP and the British Government, including on issues that affect all communities. I empathise with them because when politics in Northern Ireland has worked, it has been based on an inclusive approach involving all parties and the two Governments as guarantors working in partnership. Anything else risks introducing a seed of future instability. Excluding those with a legitimate interest narrows the perspectives that shape the solutions with which we all have to live. This increases the risk of unintended consequences and of setting poorly thought-through precedents.

As guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement, the two Governments committed to the principle of parity of esteem not just as something that should be at the heart of politics within Northern Ireland but that should be at the heart of how we, as Governments, engage with the people and parties of Northern Ireland. We committed to the principle of consent, which respects the right of everyone to pursue the constitutional future of their choosing through democratic and peaceful means, and in the agreement, we also committed the sovereign power to "rigorous impartiality" founded on rights. The agreement's principles are woven together in a delicate balance, and they strengthen and reinforce one another. As co-guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement, the British and Irish Governments have a solemn duty to uphold these principles and to act in accordance with them.

We remain attached to these principles, which are essential to the vital and painstaking work of reconciliation. There is much work yet to be done to fulfil the agreement's vision but it is clear that the only way to achieve this is by respecting and upholding its values. Co-operation, east-west and North-South, is essential to achieving this and essential to maximising the opportunities facing this island. With this in mind, I am very much looking forward to the North-South Ministerial Council returning after more than two years in abeyance. The revival of regular NSMC meetings means that this Government and the Executive will be able to continue to have the important conversations necessary to address shared challenges and to grasp opportunities. We want to engage constructively with our new colleagues and to assist and work together in areas where North-South co-operation makes a positive difference.

The peace process has been transformative for the all-island economy and the significant growth in trade represents a major dividend of the peace process. In 2022, total cross-Border trade in goods and services was worth an estimated €11.6 billion, which is an almost threefold increase since 1998. The benefits of North-South trade permeate all parts of the all-island economy but it is of particular significance to the SME sector. For many SMEs, North-South trade provides a valuable opportunity to take their first steps into new markets. The cohesive all-island economy serves as an essential incubator for innovation, taking home-grown SMEs and supporting their development into global exporters. The agrifood sector is a major driver of the all-island economy, with the meat and dairy industries especially involved in cross-Border processing and supply chains. Dairy industry products, which have an export value of over €6.5 billion, move North and South several times during processing. The meat industry is similarly integrated. In the drinks industry, Irish whiskey is a protected geographical indication worth over €1 billion to the all-island economy. Our success in these areas and others should push us to do much more together and to fully realise our shared island's economic potential. That is partly why the frictionless flow of trade on this island was so important throughout the process of Brexit, because it is of real value to people and communities on both sides of the Border.

This North-South, east-west flow is preserved through the Windsor Framework, which recognises Northern Ireland's place in the UK internal market, as well as giving Northern Ireland unique access to the EU Single Market. This represents a real economic opportunity for Northern Ireland. I was glad to see that Foreign Secretary Cameron and European Commission Executive Vice-President Šefčovič recently spoke and reiterated their shared commitment to the full implementation of the Windsor Framework. The European Union has warmly welcomed the restoration of political institutions in the North and outlined their importance in bringing long-term stability. It has also been very effective in terms of the PEACE fund, along with the work that Maroš Šefčovič, in particular, did in informing and sensitising himself to the realities on the ground in Northern Ireland, and the issues around the practicalities concerning trade, business and certain industrial sectors. I know the European Commission will continue to engage closely with the United Kingdom Government through the channels established by the Windsor Framework. I welcome that the members of the Northern Ireland Executive will be able to participate in those channels now too.

It remains critical that the framework is implemented fully and in good faith so that we can protect and bolster cross-Border trade links to the benefit of all parts of this, our shared island, and help Northern Ireland take full advantage of the extraordinary opportunity it now has. What is important also is that the mechanisms that have been provided for within the Windsor Framework are utilised constructively and effectively. It is often an under-commented aspect and dimension of the Windsor Framework that there are significant joint committees and mechanisms through which any issues that arise can get resolved. There needs to be a commitment to utilise those mechanisms effectively.

In terms of the opportunities that are available, a visible sign was the recent visit of Joe Kennedy III, the US Special Envoy to Northern Ireland, just as the institutions were re-forming. I was pleased to host him in Dublin during his visit. He is very confident that Northern Ireland's unparalleled market access, supported by the Windsor Framework, is a distinct attraction for international investors. While Joe Kennedy is the special envoy, all in this House know the level of interest in Northern Ireland that permeates politics at all levels in the United States. I was in Washington D.C. last week and I am confident that the interest is as strong as ever. Our friends on both sides of the aisle want Northern Ireland to do well, they want the island of Ireland to do well and, as so often in the past, they stand ready to help. One of the main purposes of my visit was to brief members of the House and Senators in respect of the breakthrough and the restoration of the institutions. They warmly welcomed the restoration of the institutions. They have retained a keen interest in the issues and are looking forward to the St. Patrick's Day week in Washington, when we can have further discussions on these issues.

When we work together, this island has so much potential.

This is why, through the shared island initiative I established as Taoiseach, we are strengthening cross-Border infrastructure and investing in innovation, research and skills. As a Government, we are putting significant resources into the shared island initiative, with €1 billion up to the end of this decade. We are supporting projects, large and small, which are focused on bringing people together, and investing in infrastructure, dialogue and innovation to better position this island for the years to come.

As we look to our future, we can usefully draw from past experiences. We know from our history that education plays a powerful role in driving economic and social progress that is sustainable and inclusive. That is part of the reason the shared island initiative will support ambitious new higher education provision in the north west through shared island funding of €44.5 million for construction of a new teaching building at Ulster University's campus in Derry. This was a breakthrough investment for the north west and in terms of the extra capacity it will give. We welcome the strong relationship that has developed between Ulster University and the new Atlantic Technological University, which has enormous potential for the north west of this island.

In particular, the ESRI, as part of the shared island research strand, commissioned important research in respect of school completion in the North and in the Republic. The findings were insightful and stark, in that school completion was much higher in the Republic. Part of the reason for that was the DEIS programme, which has been in place for several years. The lesson there is it is a long-term project. We have been working with the Department in Northern Ireland and we can learn from each another in respect of school completion. It has always been my view that one of the great lost opportunities of the Good Friday Agreement was the absence of doing something concrete on school completion, particularly among marginalised communities and where there is a tradition or pattern of people not completing second-level school and not progressing to third level. For the future, we need to deal with that and support any new models that emerge that can help in school completion and progression to third level.

My Department, the Department of Foreign Affairs, is administering the shared island civic society fund to support cross-Border civic society partners to work more effectively with one another on issues of common interest. I was extremely encouraged by the level of interest we received in the shared island civic society fund this year. It is a clear expression that people and communities want to do more together to make this island an even better place. We are supporting civic society organisations that work on an all-island basis and creating space for dialogue and connections to develop. One of the more interesting developments was matching and partnering local authorities in the Republic with local authorities in the North. Through the shared island initiative we provided seed capital and seed funding to enable them to develop projects with common purpose to provide common solutions that could then be the pipeline for more substantial funding as they became viable as projects following an initial research phase.

On the dialogue strand, the shared island dialogue series has exceeded all expectations and is driving all-island engagement in a diverse range of sectors. It is my strong belief that our shared island initiative and the philosophy and commitment underpinning it can play a meaningful role in advancing reconciliation on this island.

I wish to update the House on the question of legacy, which I know is a topic many Members present have been following closely. Since I last addressed the House on Northern Ireland, the Government took the decision to initiate an inter-state case against the United Kingdom Government at the European Court of Human Rights in respect of the United Kingdom's new legacy Act. I have been forthright and consistent in expressing fundamental concerns about this legislation's impact on victims and its incompatibility with the European Convention on Human Rights since it was first introduced. I know these concerns are shared in this Chamber. The legal advice we received was categoric in respect of the view that it was not compatible. Obviously, I regret that this is the space in which we find ourselves. It is a situation that we did our best to avoid. However, the Act pushed through by the British Government in the face of almost universal opposition fails to address the most fundamental concerns. The British Government shut down the political avenue - it refused to pause the legislation's progress - and left us only with the legal path. We owed it to the Good Friday Agreement itself because human rights are an integral part of that agreement and compliance with the European Convention on Human Rights was an important and integral part of the agreement. At the time of the agreement, human rights and equality were fundamental and we believed we would be walking away from the agreement if we did not take this case. Although there has been extensive public commentary on the decision to initiate a case, further discussion belongs properly in the European Court of Human Rights. It is for the court now to decide on the question of compliance with the convention.

In the meantime, there are many other important issues on which we will continue to work closely with the British Government. Our relationship is too broad, deep and important ever to be defined by a single issue. We have a duty of partnership in respect of our role as guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement to see it operate as effectively as possible across all of its strands.

The course of the seventh Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive will include challenges and opportunities as its leaders, supported in every way possible by this Government, work together to make a meaningful difference for the people they represent, and move us closer to the future the Good Friday Agreement imagined.

Today, on the feast of St. Valentine, we should remember that the Good Friday Agreement has many admirers around the world who look to Northern Ireland as an example of a society that has successfully moved past violent conflict. Much like true love, which we celebrate today, the path to a successful and prosperous post-conflict society is not one that always runs smoothly. Patience, tenacity, goodwill, compromise, empathy and hope for the future are necessary ingredients, and, I hope, are no longer in such short supply. I look forward to hearing Deputies' perspectives on recent events.

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