Dáil debates

Tuesday, 23 January 2024

Conflict in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory: Motion

 

5:25 pm

Photo of Ivana BacikIvana Bacik (Dublin Bay South, Labour) | Oireachtas source

-----given the seriousness of the issues we are debating and discussing.

We have all been watching, over the past 100 days, with increasing distress and horror the carnage in Gaza and the utter devastation of a civilian population as a result of the brutal Israeli bombardment. Since the attack by Hamas on 7 October, which was itself brutal and resulted in appalling death and the taking of hostages, we have seen a death toll in Gaza that has surpassed 25,000 people. That is approximately 1% of the entire population. Tens of thousands of homes have been bombarded into rubble. An entire population has been kettled into overcrowded and cramped spaces, deprived of humanitarian aid and with famine and disease now ravaging communities of displaced Gazans. We have heard the heartbreaking testimony from journalists and doctors.

We have seen so many children orphaned, killed, or hideously injured and the situation is getting worse and worse. It is apocalyptic. It is hard to see it or describe it as anything but genocidal. We are seeing, of course, as the Tánaiste noted in his speech, that the West Bank is increasingly tense and the situation is worsening there too. The Prime Minister of Israel, Mr. Netanyahu, has made his intentions clear. He has ruled out any possibility of a peaceful, two-state solution and has stamped out any hope that might remain for relief and an end to the carnage. We are left with having to ensure the international community will intervene to ensure we do see that peaceful, two-state solution of which the Tánaiste has spoken and for which the international community should now be pressing. The Tánaiste spoke, hopefully, of an Arab peace but we need to push for that. We need to see a united front across the international community in condemnation of Netanyahu's government and of the Israeli carnage that is being inflicted on the people of Gaza.

That wish for a common purpose, for solidarity from the international community, is replicated in the communications we have all received from people across the country who want to see that unity of purpose advocated by the Irish Government. They want to see our Government calling for a stronger response from the EU, America, Britain and other western countries to bring about a permanent ceasefire and an end to the brutal bombardment and suffering of the people of Gaza. That is why the South African application to the International Court of Justice matters so much. International law exists to preserve the life and dignity of all humans. It recognises the inherent value of every life. Our international human rights system was born out of the horrors of the Second World War and out of a collective will to reject evil and brutality and to ensure we would have a rules-based international order that could stop the sort of carnage we are seeing now. While that carnage continues, international law is being set at naught and South Africa has recognised that in bringing this case under the Genocide Convention. The capacity of the international community to speak with one voice for an end to genocide and for peace may seem a low bar but it is one we must overcome.

Ireland has shown leadership before and we have sought to work constructively with the Government to see that sort of constructive leadership. We saw it in the early stages of progress on the Control of Economic Activities (Occupied Territories) Bill and in 2021 when this House voted unanimously to condemn the de facto annexation of Palestine by Israel, the first parliament in the EU to do so. We nearly achieved that sort of commonality of purpose in October when most of us supported a cross-party motion calling for a ceasefire in Gaza. It is for that reason that we in the Labour Party are disappointed to see the style of politics that has prevailed this week. Last week I circulated to all party leaders in this House, and to Seanad leaders, a motion which we hoped could form the basis of negotiations to develop a cross-party, united approach in support of the current proceedings in the International Court of Justice. That motion was drafted by the Sadaka organisation with support from Christian Aid. I thank those party leaders who did engage and show support for that motion, many of whom wanted to see it brought forward in Government or Opposition time because it really matters for this House to speak with one, united voice. It is unfortunate we could not achieve a consensus on the wording of that motion. It is also unfortunate to see, in some quarters of this House, attempts to take ownership by individual groups and to see the Government motion circulated so late in the day. I thank the Tánaiste for his personal engagement with me and others but it was very late in the day when we finally saw the text of the motion, with a deadline for amendments less than an hour later. That is no way to do business. It is anathema to what we should be doing, which is working together to try to build a consensus in support of the people of Gaza and to try to achieve an end to their suffering.

The motion before us today does not make an unequivocal commitment to intervening and that is regrettable. That is why the Labour Party has tabled an amendment, which I think I can move now. However, I do welcome the clear statement of intent to intervene which is indicated in the text of the Government motion. As others have acknowledged, that does represent a movement by Government, and one which is very welcome. That is the spirit in which it has been drafted and Sadaka and other groups recognise that, but what is of concern is that, within the Government motion, not only is there the omission of any reference to a ceasefire explicitly, there is also an omission of any intention to conduct an assessment of whether there is a serious risk of genocide or to use the measures available to Government to deter the commission of genocide, as per the duty to prevent genocide set out in the Genocide Convention, an obligation which the Irish Government has stated exists in its intervention in the Ukraine v. Russia case. In the spirit of the submissions the Government has made in other cases, I would ask the Tánaiste to reflect on the amendments submitted today by the Labour Party and by others in the Opposition. What we want to see is a clearer indication that the Government will support the South African case at the appropriate time. I hope we can continue to work, whatever the outcome of the debate today or any further debate this week, on a cross-party basis to achieve that commonality of purpose, to speak with one voice from this House and from the Seanad to ensure support for the civilian population of Gaza and an end to their suffering, and to support the South African case before the International Court of Justice, a case which has the potential to help bring about an end to suffering and to the commission of genocidal acts in Gaza. It is disappointing to see that we are not going to be able to speak with one voice on this motion but I do hope we will be able, over the coming days and weeks and in light of the fact we are going to see a judgment shortly from the court, to continue to work progressively to achieve that common purpose and shared vision for a ceasefire in Gaza.

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