Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats) | Oireachtas source

I welcome this Bill. It is absolutely necessary that the plight of children in poverty is treated with the seriousness it deserves. The report and review that provide the basis for this Bill are a multitude of steps in the right direction but I should point out that as UNICEF stated in a recent publication, Ireland has made progress in reducing child poverty but it still exists at a completely unacceptable level across the country. Not a single child should suffer from poverty, yet UNICEF still found one in seven children are still living in poverty and more than one in ten have experienced prolonged poverty, which is defined as lasting at least three consecutive years. That is three years without the absolute minimum required to live a life of dignity or to have a fulfilling childhood.

It goes without saying all children should be treated equally, regardless of who they are, where they are from, their colour or their creed. A child deprivation module published by the CSO indicated children in single-parent households which had no one in employment and children in rented accommodation were most at risk of experiencing deprivation. The children who grew up in households below the poverty line had a greater likelihood of remaining in poverty for much of their life. A few months ago the Pobal deprivation index showed a rise in people living areas classified as "very disadvantaged" or "extremely disadvantaged". We are, it is often said, living through a period of full employment, yet quality of life in areas that have traditionally been deprived has yet to improve and has in some instances worsened. The data revealed the number of people living in areas classed as very disadvantaged or extremely disadvantaged increased from 143,000 in 2016 to 196,000 in 2022, which is a rise of more than 52,000 people over six years, not discounting the fact we have had population increases.

A disproportionate number of disadvantaged communities are located in my constituency of Dublin Central. Some of them are where I grew up in the north inner city. These are all areas where there is a greater number of one-parent families, higher unemployment rates and lower levels of education than in many parts of the country. These families have often felt abandoned by government and its policies, which are seen as failing them generation after generation. Similarly, children with disabilities and many from minority ethnic or racial backgrounds are often at a higher than average risk of poverty, as are children of lone parents, who are three times more likely to experience poverty.

The long-term effects of child poverty are dire. The inability of a household to afford nutritious food, warm clothes, a secure home and a decent education more often than not leads to lifelong disadvantages for a child with respect to their opportunities, future health and generational quality of life. Last year, at least 13,000 people, almost 4,000 of whom are children, spent Christmas in emergency homeless accommodation. That is the highest figure recorded in the history of the State. When all these statistics are taken into account, it is clear we need to make changes to our social welfare system to ensure we leave no child behind. It is the absolute least we can do. The Taoiseach recently stated he wants Ireland to be the best country in the world in which to be a child. I am not even sure he knows how far we are from that being achieved, but it is absolutely necessary that we all band together and collaborate to make such a statement a reality.

This Bill is a rarity in Irish politics, in that it is based on a comprehensive review and report that took the opinions of major stakeholders and experts in the field seriously and in doing so has made a step in the right direction. I welcome the implementation of the recommendations of the report of the child maintenance review group regarding the social welfare system. One-parent family obligations to seek maintenance to access social welfare has delayed payments and caused vulnerable families and their children to go without. The new definition of maintenance payments is also welcome, as child maintenance should not be assessed as a means for the purpose of any social welfare means test. Child maintenance payments are required for many vulnerable families in exclusion of their receipt of any other support required for those children. If this section of the legislation is to be enacted, some one-parent families will receive higher rates of payment or new payments altogether and this is an example of a targeted, structural change that should make a real difference to those who need it and is incredibly welcome.

There are still many pitfalls in legislation which we must be sure to avoid if any significant improvements are to be achieved. The National One Parent Family Alliance has expressed deep disappointment with the Government’s decision to not establish a statutory child maintenance agency or appropriate system despite the majority vote of an independent committee in favour of the creation of same. I second this view. Without such an agency, the roll-out of maintenance payments runs the risk of inconsistency and incapacity to keep up with demand, which could lead to a failure to achieve this Bill’s goal of alleviating poverty and disadvantage for those most at risk.

I agree with the committee’s stating there is scope for such an agency within the Department of Justice. Without such structures in place, the benefits this Bill hopes to bring may fall by the wayside, as many have during this Government’s tenure. The National One Parent Family Alliance also points out that without a child maintenance agency, the dissolution of the liable relatives unit, which is another aspect of this Bill, may lead to a loss of child maintenance or parents receiving one-parent family allowance and an increase in lone parents seeking child maintenance through the family courts. As the committee’s report suggests, when a lone parent’s youngest child turns seven years of age, non-resident parents receive a letter saying they need to switch payment of maintenance from the Department to another parent, which leads to a 60% drop in maintenance payments due to non-payment and a 50% drop in the overall amount of maintenance paid after the youngest child turns seven. Without a child maintenance agency, communications with liable relatives may cease to be clear and concise, leading to underpayments and damage to a child’s well-being. Due to how overwhelmed our family law courts regularly are, it is disheartening the State is taking a step back from its role in enforcing maintenance orders. I fear the delays that could result from this burden on the courts could leave vulnerable families in need at times when they might require support the most. Why, despite consultation and widespread approval, has a statutory child maintenance agency been left off the agenda?

As I stated in this contribution and all my time speaking in this Chamber, one-parent families are among the most disadvantaged groups in society. Their risk of poverty is a horrendous reality to behold. Children are the ones who lose out when it comes to the negative effects of means-testing in areas where intergenerational trauma is embedded in families. Everyone involved is hurt by the status quoand the changes proposed in this Bill create the chance for a better system. However, it is of utmost importance that money intended for the child is indeed used to improve their quality of life and prospects. Only by investing in future generations can we interrupt and stop this intergenerational poverty that ravages our communities. It is also equally welcome that the report acknowledges the current rate of housing disregard at just over €95 and calls it derisory. It is a joke compared with current rent and mortgage rates and should be reassessed immediately as it is leaving countless vulnerable families behind. This debate is not centred around housing but it is difficult to stray far from the topic when discussing poverty and deprivation.

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