Seán Fleming (Laois-Offaly, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

I am pleased to join Deputies for this important debate and I thank them for their contributions in the House. This is the third time in recent weeks that we are debating the issue of Irish neutrality and the outcome of the Consultative Forum on International Security Policy, realising one of the key aims of the forum, which was for us to have a more open and constructive debate on these issues.

What we need now is a more serious, sustained and informed discussion on our international security policies. I have noted during the debate that many speakers asked why we are discussing this issue now and what has changed. Many people quoted what was said in 2013. A lot has changed. When those comments were made in the past, the world was more peaceful. The deteriorating security situation in Europe, in particular following Russia’s illegal and unprovoked attack on Ukraine, has prompted a serious consideration of the State’s approach to foreign, security and defence issues. That is what has changed. I am amazed that Deputies made no reference to this issue. They quoted remarks made in 2013 and asked what has changed. Everybody in the world knows that things have changed. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has changed the political landscape not just in Europe but across the world. In light of that, it is only appropriate that we look at how that impacts us and any implications it has for us.

The Tánaiste has said that Ireland cannot rely on our geographic isolation for our security or isolate ourselves from world events. This does not mean, however, that the Government is using these events as a way of eroding or diluting Ireland’s neutrality, as some have claimed. In that context, I reiterate that there are no plans to alter Ireland’s policy of military neutrality. As practised by successive Governments over many years, this policy means that Ireland does not participate in military alliances or common or mutual defence arrangements. This policy will continue and the Government’s countermotion explicitly reaffirms this.

The current triple lock system effectively gives to the five permanent members of the Security Council a veto over our national sovereign decision to deploy troops to peacekeeping missions as we see fit. This effectively gives a veto to Russia, and possibly China, over decisions we want to make. Why would we wish to curtail our independent decision-making? Whose interests does this serve? Why do people want to give Russia a veto over Ireland’s foreign policy and where we deploy members of the Defence Forces? This question has not been dealt with by the Opposition. By making the changes we propose, we would remove the veto power of members of the Security Council over Ireland’s international engagement, while safeguarding the essential link with international law and good governance. Such a change would, we believe, permit us to continue Ireland’s peacekeeping record of which we are justifiably proud.

The Government’s countermotion also seeks to reinforce the important aspects of Ireland’s foreign policy which have shaped our international engagement for decades. Ireland has a long-standing commitment to contributing to international peace and security, as enshrined in the UN Charter. This means we take an active approach towards peace support operations and crisis management, contribute to conflict resolution and peacebuilding, work for human rights and development, and promote disarmament and the elimination of weapons of mass destruction.

Ireland also has a long and proud tradition of participation in UN and UN-mandated, EU-led and NATO-led peacekeeping missions. Moreover, Ireland supports a strong EU role in supporting the maintenance of international peace and security and engages actively in the European Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy, including, since 2017, through the EU’s permanent structured co-operation, PESCO.

We also believe the multilateral system remains our strongest protection and the State’s most important security asset. However, Ireland’s commitment to a values-based foreign policy, multilateralism, and a policy of military neutrality does not insulate us from the harsh new security environment we find ourselves in today. Neutrality alone will not protect us from malign actors. We cannot afford to isolate ourselves, fail to protect our citizens and ignore our responsibilities towards our fellow EU member states or other friendly nations. Many of these themes came through strongly in the Consultative Forum on International Security Policy. As the Tánaiste previously commented, it was striking to see the degree of consensus on many of the most significant aspects of our foreign, security and defence policies at that forum.

Ireland’s commitment to a values-based foreign policy, multilateralism and a policy of military neutrality was never in question. Let me be clear about that.

Our contribution to both peacebuilding and peacekeeping has received global recognition. Such work is often grounded in our historical experience of conflict resolution on this island. Our partners, such as those who lead the peace process in Colombia welcome the lessons we can share from our past.

The courageous and dedicated role played by Irish women and men in UN peacekeeping missions, often in some of the most volatile security settings in the world, is an important part of our identity and one that inspires great pride in Irish people. The consultative forum offered us an opportunity to hear directly from some of those individuals and explore in more detail how exactly their work impacts on the lives of others. These important areas have been explicitly reaffirmed in the Government’s counter-motion.

One further area of consensus that arose during the discussions was the need for greater investment and support in our Defence Forces. Many Members present today will agree with me that it is now essential that we see significant and wide-ranging changes for the Defence Forces and defence provision in Ireland. As Minister for Defence, the Tánaiste has set out his commitment to a positive transformation of our Defence Forces into a modern, agile military force, capable of responding to increasingly complex security threats. This commitment is borne out in the high-level action plan to progress the recommendations of the Commission on the Defence Forces. This plan commits the State to move to level of ambition 2, with a commensurate increase of the defence budget from €1.1 billion to €1.5 billion, in 2022 prices, by 2028. We have already seen progress made in this commitment through the increased spending in defence in 2023 and what is planned for 2024.

At last week’s debate on the the consultative forum, the Tánaiste presented his views on the need to review the process to replace the current triple lock which allows Security Council members like Russia to bind Ireland’s hands in its international engagement. The Government’s view is that the triple lock in its current form is no longer fit for purpose in deciding where Ireland will choose to play its part in the maintenance of international peace and security. We should not give any individual country, especially a country like Russia which has illegally invaded Ukraine, a veto over our policy. I would prefer this House and this Parliament to have the say over where we go or do not go, and not somebody in the Kremlin.

To those who argue that this is all part of a nefarious plan to do away with our neutrality by stealth, I would ask them to carefully consider the Tánaiste’s remarks. As he has very clearly said, any amendments we put in place will guarantee full compliance with the principles of the UN Charter and international law. I would also ask those who loudly criticise these proposals to consider why they believe officeholders in the Kremlin are more equipped or better placed to have the last word on the international engagement of Ireland’s peacekeepers.

The motion put forward by Sinn Féin also purports to initiate legislation for the purpose of holding a referendum enshrining neutrality in the Constitution. As Deputies will be aware, there are already several provisions in the Constitution that underpin Ireland's foreign and security policy framework.

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