Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "That Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:

"agrees that:

— the Government reiterates Ireland's longstanding policy of military neutrality;

— Ireland's neutrality is characterised by non-membership of military alliances or common or mutual defence arrangements;

— the Government has no plans to join a military alliance or enter into a mutual defence arrangement so a referendum enshrining Ireland's neutrality is not necessary;

— Ireland's foreign policy is informed by an active approach towards peace support operations and crisis management;

— Ireland's contributions to conflict resolution and peacebuilding, and work for human rights and development, and our efforts to promote disarmament and the elimination of weapons of mass destruction, are internationally renowned;

— Ireland has a long and proud tradition of international engagement, including through participation in United Nations (UN) and UN-mandated, as well as European Union (EU)-led peacekeeping missions;

— members of Ireland's Defence Forces continue to contribute bravely to peacekeeping and crisis management efforts, particularly in the Middle East, as well as elsewhere in the world; and

— Ireland also supports a strong EU role in supporting the maintenance of international peace and security and engages actively in the European Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy;

notes that:

— the Government convened a Consultative Forum on International Security Policy from 22nd-26th June, 2023, with a view to building public understanding and generating discussions on Ireland's foreign, security and defence policies;

— this report was recently submitted and published on 17th October;

— this report highlights the pride in Ireland's role in the world in peacekeeping and peacebuilding, as well as a broad consensus on the importance of continued international engagement; and

— this report also demonstrates a clear recognition that Ireland faces new and emerging threats, including in cyberspace and in the maritime domain, the value of working with EU and like-minded partners in these and other areas, and the need for investment in our Defence Forces;

recognises that:

— the multilateral system remains our strongest protection and the State's most important security asset;

— nevertheless, as a highly globalised country, Ireland cannot rely on our geographic isolation for our security, nor isolate ourselves from world events;

— the systemic challenges facing the UN Security Council, including the increased use of, and threat of the use of, the veto by Permanent Members of the Security Council, which directly impact on our role in international peacekeeping, oblige us to reconsider and change our existing legislation on the despatch of Defence Forces personnel overseas;

— any such legislative changes would reassert Ireland's sovereign decision-making processes, while safeguarding the essential link between international law and the UN Charter, in a manner which would allow us to respond to crisis situations with more agility;

— Ireland's policy of military neutrality is respected by our fellow European Member States and the protocols attached to the Lisbon Treaty continue to fully reflect this; and

— amending the Triple Lock legislation in relation to the deployment of our Defence Forces to peacekeeping missions will have no impact on this policy of military neutrality, and that no other EU Member State, including other neutral Member States, allow permanent Security Council members to bind their hands in the way that the Triple Lock effectively does for Ireland; and

further agrees that the Government:

— is committed to supporting the global multilateral system, to vocally defending international law, particularly international humanitarian law, and human rights;

— will continue to contribute actively to peacebuilding efforts internationally, building on and reflecting our own experience on this island, including through the new Peace and Stability Unit in the Department of Foreign Affairs;

— is committed to the positive transformation of our Defence Forces into a modern, agile military force, capable of responding to increasingly complex security threats, with investment in its people, infrastructure, capabilities and culture, through the High-Level Action Plan to progress the recommendations of the Commission on the Defence Forces, the associated Detailed Implementation Plan and the Strategic Framework for the Transformation of the Defence Forces;

— will continue to broaden and deepen our engagement with international partners in a manner consistent with our policy of military neutrality, whether through the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy or NATO's Partnership for Peace, which we have been a member of since 1999, particularly in tackling new and emerging threats in the cyber, hybrid or maritime domains; and

— will also work on our national security arrangements and ensure they are fit for purpose in an increasingly complex and unpredictable world, including through the delivery of a National Security Strategy that will set out the threat environment and the systems and structures to address these.".

I am glad to have the opportunity to address this important topic and move the Government’s countermotion. I will first clarify what Ireland’s policy of military neutrality is. Second, I will recall the findings of the recently published report of the Consultative Forum on International Security Policy. Finally, I will set out the proposals made by the Tánaiste last week in the Dáil in relation to the triple lock.

It is important that discussions on matters as important and sensitive as these proceed from a basis of fact, which is why I begin by defining our current policy. Ireland’s policy of military neutrality as practised by successive governments over many decades means Ireland does not participate in military alliances or common or mutual defence arrangements. Let me be very clear on this: the Government has no plans to alter this policy. I as Minister of State value and hold dear our neutrality and would not undermine it. It goes without saying that military neutrality does not mean that we wish to or can isolate ourselves from the challenging security environment we find ourselves in today. Nor does it mean we can ignore our responsibilities towards our citizens or international partners.

The changed geopolitical context and wider threat environment in Europe calls for a serious consideration of the State’s approach to international security issues. It was in this context that the Tánaiste convened the Consultative Forum on International Security Policy, which took place in June. The forum discussed these issues in a wider foreign policy context, including Ireland’s work to protect the rules-based international order and the lessons learned from our UN Security Council membership.

The chairperson of the forum, Professor Louise Richardson, recently submitted a report which provides an overview of these discussions and the public consultation. Professor Richardson’s report is clear that there is a strong degree of consensus on many aspects of Ireland’s international engagement. This is important. It is too easy to highlight divisions, encourage polarisation and play politics with foreign, security and defence policy issues. It is too easy and, in the context of recent events, all too dangerous.

Across the world, including in Ireland, instances of hate speech, disinformation, Islamophobia and antisemitism have been increasing, especially online. We have seen clearly how that can spill over with deadly effect. In that context, it is positive to note we are all in agreement that Ireland should continue to be active in the maintenance of international peace and security by supporting the global multilateral system with the UN Charter at its heart and by continuing to vocally defend international law, particularly international humanitarian law, and human rights.

Nobody can question the pride we take as Irish people all over the world in our role in international peacekeeping, or the fact that there is a palpable desire to sustain and build on Ireland's role on the global stage. There is also a recognition that we face new and emerging threats, including in the areas of cyber and maritime security. Furthermore, there was a clear consensus in favour of greater investment in the Defence Forces. The Government is deeply committed to the positive transformation of our Defence Forces into a modern, agile military force capable of responding to increasingly complex security threats.

It was in this context that the Tánaiste addressed the ongoing work to transform the Defence Forces through the detailed implementation plan for the Report of the Commission on the Defence Forces, which was published last week. The plan sets out the steps being taken towards a once-in-a-generation transformation of the Defence Forces through a commitment to move to level of ambition 2, with a commensurate increase in the Department budget from €1.1 billion to €1.5 billion, in 2022 prices, by 2028. This is part of our ongoing investment in our Defence Forces and its people, infrastructure, capabilities and culture.

The Tánaiste also addressed a range of measures relating to our national security arrangements, including a commitment by the Government to deliver a national security strategy in the coming months. It is clear to me that this renewed focus on our core national security interests has rapidly become essential in an increasingly complex and contested world.

In the view of the Government, the motion does not serve to enhance the proactive international role we all wish to see Ireland play in such complex situations. While ostensibly supportive of our international engagement, the motion would in fact serve to curtail Ireland’s efforts to contribute to international peace and security, rather than in any way enhance them.

In particular, the Government has a real concern about the proposal to hold a referendum enshrining neutrality in the Constitution. We do not believe this would be an appropriate or responsible course of action. Military neutrality has been a deliberate policy choice on the part of successive governments since the Second World War. As we have repeatedly set out, the Government has no intention to alter this policy. That does not mean we cannot and should not continue to discuss our international security policy and the choices we face.

We need to look honestly at the challenges to our international engagement. It is the Government’s clear view that we cannot ignore the systemic challenges facing the UN Security Council. In many of the worst crises internationally, where rapid, impartial and decisive international action is desperately needed, the council is unwilling or unable to act.

To recall the current position in Irish legislation, the dispatch of contingents of the Defence Forces for overseas peace support operations may only take place where: the deployment is approved by the Government; is approved by Dáil resolution, if the proposed deployment is more than 12 personnel; and the operation in question is mandated or authorised by the UN. This triple lock system effectively gives a veto to the five permanent members of the Security Council over our national sovereign decision to deploy troops on peacekeeping missions as we see fit. Why would we wish to curtail our own independent decision-making? Whose interests does this serve?

During last week’s Dáil debate on the Consultative Forum on International Security Policy, the Tánaiste stated it would make sense to amend our legislation in a manner that would allow us to respond to crisis situations with more agility and would ensure that, in making these important decisions, we are not surrendering our sovereignty. Work on the preparation of those legislative proposals will commence immediately with a view to proposals being brought to the Government in due course. Of course, any legislative proposals will remain fully consistent with the principles of the UN Charter and international law. They will also be debated and approved by the Dáil and Seanad, thus providing the Oireachtas with ample opportunity to debate this important initiative.

Not only does the motion put forward by Sinn Féin fail to adequately address the challenging international security context in which we now operate, it also erroneously equates any amendment to the triple lock with a change to the long-standing policy of military neutrality which this Government has been clear that it has no intention of altering.

As the Tánaiste said last week, that is simply not on the agenda.

It is also abundantly clear that Ireland’s policy of military neutrality is respected by our fellow member states, and the protocols attached to the Lisbon treaty continue to fully reflect this. This House needs no reminder of the increasingly volatile and challenging times in which we find ourselves. We have had ample opportunity in this House to debate the impact of Russia’s appalling invasion of Ukraine and the dreadful situation in the Middle East. In the face of these and all other challenges to global peace and security, Ireland’s commitment to multilateralism - the rules- based international order - with the UN Charter at its core is the cornerstone of our foreign policy. This will remain our strong and consistent message throughout this and all crises.

It is in recognition of this complexity that the Government now presents proposals for change. We simply cannot afford to isolate ourselves or ignore our responsibilities towards either our own citizens, our fellow EU member states or other friendly partners. Instead of opening a serious discussion about the threat environment and our capabilities, I am concerned that the motion before us simply attempts to reduce these conversations to a political debate. That is the context in which the Government opposes the motion.

The Government’s countermotion reiterates our support for Ireland’s long-standing policy of military neutrality, our commitment to continuing international engagement and the ongoing positive transformation of the Defence Forces. At the same time, it reflects our desire for a modern, fit-for-purpose foreign, security and defence policy in keeping with the challenges we face today. In that light, I call on this House to support the countermotion.

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