Matt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

If ever we wanted evidence that the so-called consultative forum on international security was not a genuine exercise in public debate or discourse and was, rather, an attempt by the Government to reshape public opinion, those doubts have been well and truly answered by the Tánaiste's comments today. There is clearly an agenda within government that seeks to reframe the definition of Irish neutrality and to undermine the principle of Ireland having an independent foreign policy. In my view, the forum was an exercise in attempting to advance that agenda. In that regard, I would have considered that the exercise was a failure - it was a failure because it became undone. In advance of the forum, the Tánaiste actually pre-empted any public debate by stating, almost as if it were a fact, that there was a need to deepen collaboration with NATO and he repeatedly sought to undermine the triple lock, which requires a UN mandate prior to Irish participation in overseas missions. Today, we can see why.

On the eve of the forum, an opinion poll was published which clearly showed that the vast majority of Irish people disagree with the Tánaiste and they value our neutrality. The poll, published by The Irish Times, showed that 61% of voters support Ireland's current model of neutrality and just 26% want to see it changed. There was then the welcome intervention by President Michael D. Higgins, who warned of the dangers of a drift in foreign policy and, unlike the Government, actually set out the positive legacy of an Irish foreign policy based on humanitarianism and unequivocal support for international law and the UN charter. The decision by the Tánaiste to exclude any formal role for the Opposition was not only a strategic mistake on his part, but was actually a poor way of doing business. Those of us who had the opportunity to be at each of the forum hearings endured no less than five lengthy Government speeches while Opposition representatives had to raise their hands from the floor. That is not debate or consultation.

Following all the hearings and pronouncements, what did we end up with? The chair of the forum, reflecting the views of the considerable majority of those who spoke or wrote at the forum, recognised that there is at present no public appetite for a change to the current position in respect of neutrality. From my perspective, while the forum was a failure in terms of the Government's objectives, it was not completely a wasted exercise. I attended each of the forum meetings and, on behalf of Sinn Féin, I made a considered written submission. While the panels were not as balanced as I would have liked, each contribution was valid, even those I would consider to be fundamentally wrong.

The forum has also presented a challenge to those of us on the left and others who value our neutrality. While we have always been very good at articulating what we are opposed to, and that is important, we have not always been as effective as we should be in setting out the positive and constructive role that neutrality can help Ireland to play internationally. I have outlined to this House previously that Sinn Féin's vision is for Ireland to play a constructive role in the wider world, committed to diplomacy, humanitarianism, peace-building and co-operation with other states on global challenges, including poverty, world hunger, climate change and conflict resolution. In order to play that role, I strongly believe that we must have an independent foreign policy, with military neutrality at its heart. There is a renewed need to shine a light on the reasons that we should be proud of our military neutrality. We have to have a logical and contemporary rationale that counters those who seek to recast it as a weakness or a failing.

The legacy of Irish neutrality is our role in working for nuclear non-proliferation, our humanitarianism, our contribution to the drafting of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, our peacekeeping and the proud record of our UN peacekeepers. This has been our contribution to making the world a better and safer place. It is a contribution that has served us well and I contend that it is a contribution that has served the world well.

The Sinn Féin contributions to the consultative forum set out a roadmap to enshrine the principle of neutrality within the Irish Constitution and EU treaties, to ensure Ireland can adapt to a changed global security environment and to address the historical underinvestment in our Defence Forces. We also set out our approach to international and EU arrangements and organisations, underpinned by the triple lock and the primacy of the United Nations, and Ireland's opportunity to be a positive force for conflict resolution across the globe.

Hard-earned reputations can be easily lost. Sinn Féin believes that the historical role of the Defence Forces as a neutral force engaged in UN peacekeeping is something the Irish people are rightly proud of. That is why we have made detailed proposals to this House seeking a greater role for the Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence and greater scrutiny of proposals brought forward by the Government. Unfortunately, we have found ourselves against a Government that appears unwilling to engage with the Opposition or see itself scrutinised in any meaningful way. A recent example of this was Irish participation in four European Defence Agency projects legally requiring the assent of this House. A 55-minute debate was scheduled to discuss all four, with only a single vote being taken on all four projects. In rejecting Sinn Féin's motion that it be referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence, the Government was not just rejecting greater or enhanced scrutiny, but it effectively voted against any scrutiny at all, essentially treating this House as a rubber stamp for Government policy. Indeed, in recent weeks and months, we have seen the Government skirt around what is possible in terms of the deployment of Irish Defence Forces personnel and the missions they may take part in, and even, at one point, use the triple lock as cover when that had no relevance at all.

To be clear, Sinn Féin wants to be in government and we have made no secret about that. We seek to raise the bar, not stymie the current Government, but ensure full and appropriate checks, balances and conventions for all Governments to come.

Much was made by the Government in advance of the forum and by many at the forum of the changed context arising from Russia's illegal and contemptible invasion of Ukraine. The argument, as it went, was that the actions of Russia determined the need for a common European foreign policy to cast aside the triple lock requirement of UN approval and align Ireland entirely with NATO in terms of defence actions.

If anyone bought into those arguments, if anyone had questions about the absolute necessity for Ireland to maintain an independent foreign policy, those questions were answered the day the Presidents of the European Commission and European Parliament landed in Tel Aviv and gave unequivocal support to Israel as it embarked on its ferocious illegal assault on Gaza. That position does not and would never represent the views and the values of the Irish people and it reinforced the need to ensure no European officeholder can ever speak for Ireland without our direct consent and agreement.

Ireland has been part of the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force, UNDOF, mission since 2013. That mission has been in place since the 1970s and has remained in place to uphold the ceasefire between Israeli and Syrian military forces in the Golan Heights and to monitor the implementation of the disengagement agreement. The role of the Defence Forces on the Golan Heights is one we should be very proud of. It was a perilous mission. The onset of the Syrian Civil War led to one of the most dangerous periods for peacekeepers in the mission's entire history and during it UN troops were sometimes used as human shields and abducted. The Irish peacekeeper battalion had been deployed multiple times to secure exit routes for UN colleagues under fire. Throughout the ten years of Irish presence, our Defence Forces have been noted for their bravery and positive contribution to this vital UN mission.

The reason I mention the Golan Heights mission is twofold. The first is it represents very clearly the important and constructive role Ireland can and indeed has played in international peacekeeping under the UN flag for over six decades. The second reason is Irish participation will come to an end very shortly. Opponents of Irish neutrality - we heard this often during the forum - claim that it and especially the triple lock leave us beholden to Russia or China. However, those opponents are not against Ireland being beholden to others when it comes to foreign and defence policy and simply want to choose who it is we are beholden to. Irish neutrality means not being beholden to others at all. It means, as I said, having an independent foreign policy. Ireland will withdraw from the Golan Heights peacekeeping mission not at the behest of the Russian or Chinese Governments but because of the Irish Government. It will withdraw our forces from important UN work so it can divert resources to EU battle groups. The Tánaiste has made great play of the fact no UN peacekeeping mission has been approved, but he is withdrawing us from the mission we are involved in.

It is entirely disingenuous to set that as a rationale to undermine the very basis of Irish neutrality and it is beyond ironic-----

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