Matt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

I have outlined before that Sinn Féin's vision is for Ireland to play a constructive role in the wider world and to be committed to diplomacy, humanitarianism, peacebuilding and co-operation with other states on the global challenges we face, including poverty, world hunger, climate change, conflict resolution and migration. They are laudable goals. An independent foreign policy and military neutrality are crucial in allowing Ireland to play that important role in the wider world. We should be proud of our military neutrality and resist attempts by some, particularly in government, to recast it as a weakness or a failing.

The events of the past week in Palestine and Israel and those of the past two years in Ukraine have crystallised the absolute need for neutral actors, those who can act credibly as interlocutors and agents for conflict resolution. The Irish Government's approach to both events, however, shows the need for us to reinforce our independent foreign policy. When it comes to Ukraine, Irish Ministers have been the most vocal in rightfully condemning Russian breaches of international law, but in respect of the horrendous assault on Gaza, the words "condemn" and "Israel" have not passed the lips of a single government leader in the one sentence. In the Tánaiste's contribution and in the Government's countermotion, there is no mention of what is happening in Palestine. The Tánaiste said, "Russia's appalling actions in Ukraine have demonstrated an utter disregard for international law", and went on to say: "We are ... facing an appalling situation in the Middle East." Does the Minister of State not see the hypocrisy and the dichotomy in the Government's approach to both issues? The reason, of course, is that others with whom the Government would have us align are quite happy for Ireland to criticise Russia but might not be as happy with our criticising a state that enjoys preferential treatment by the EU. Being an independent state with an independent foreign policy means calling out war crimes regardless of whether they are committed by Russia, Hamas or Israel.

This motion is timely. I welcome it and will support it because it calls for a referendum and recognises other things we need to do, including adequately funding our Defence Forces. The protection of neutrality within the Constitution is important because when governments make decisions on foreign affairs issues, those decisions can have long-lasting and profound consequences. The decisions, therefore, should be based on an agreed framework. That is why Sinn Féin has advocated for a citizens' assembly which would be charged with proposing a framework which would then be put to the people to endorse. Other countries, such as Malta and Austria, have neutrality in their constitutions and it serves them well.

There is a related matter. The Tánaiste was at pains to talk about how we are a parliamentary democracy and how the Constitution may somehow constrain him. There is, however, the question of how we authorise, manage and account for our participation in missions abroad. What usually happens here is that there is the shortest possible Dáil debate, with a briefing note provided beforehand, and it is a fait accompli. This Government, with its countermotion today referring to parliamentary democracy, opposed Sinn Féin's and others' efforts to have any type of oversight of those decisions, particularly through the Oireachtas committees.

Our Defence Forces serve us very well. Their record on peacekeeping missions has contributed to the positive reputation Ireland enjoys across the world. I am conscious that today Irish troops are on duty on UN missions in Lebanon and Syria, in the midst of war zones, essentially. We send them our sincere gratitude and the best wishes of the Irish people. The least they deserve is that when we send them abroad, we do so only after the maximum democratic oversight that ensures that their actions are always in line with their stated objectives and with Irish neutrality. They also need and deserve investment in people and equipment that will allow them to do their job. Ironically, however, it is those parties that would have us align to EU military frameworks that have overseen the systemic undermining of our Defence Forces.

When we talk about these things, the starting point always needs to be whether a particular action will enhance or undermine our neutrality. If it undermines our neutrality, we recognise that it also undermines Ireland's position in the world and undermines our ability to be a positive force for conflict resolution. Statements and actions have consequences. Neutrality and having an independent foreign policy allow Ireland to be consistent advocates for international humanitarian law and champions of the United Nations framework. The alternative is a return to might is right. Surely this country, with its history, is perfectly placed to convey the damaging implications of such an approach.

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