Bríd Smith (Dublin South Central, People Before Profit Alliance) | Oireachtas source

The definition of "cull" is "a selective slaughter of animals". I am not sure what a "voluntary" cull is, but the motion speaks of 200,000 dairy cows being culled. That would indeed be a shocking sight and policy, if it were true. The problem is it is not true. From what I can see, no amount of anger, conspiracy theories or mixing up the idea of a slaughter with the idea of a reduction over time makes it true. There is much to be angry about, but yet again, these Deputies prefer to get angry about an imaginary policy and ignore the real dangers to urban and rural Ireland.

There is much in agricultural policy that they should be angry about, and the motion hints at it, correctly pointing out that the reason we have a dairy herd of this size is deliberate Government policy over the past decade or more. It is why we as a nation have created markets for dairy products abroad that did not hitherto exist. We have not fed the world and we have not created lucrative markets for anything other than a small cohort, often directly in competition with local and indigenous food suppliers in other countries. Such markets have been lucrative for some processing and large agribusiness interests. They may have awarded a small cohort of dairy farmers as well, but they most certainly have benefited the Goodman Group, which Agriland reports saw a 27% increase in profits in just one of its firms in 2022 and whose revenues increased by 75% to €620 million. The continuation of the status quomeans continuing with a policy under which, for example, just nine companies in the Goodman Group can make a profit of €170 million, have assets worth more than €3.4 billion but file their accounts in Luxembourg and ensure that the bulk of the profits are largely untaxed. They are not alone.

The vast majority of farmers have not done well from the policies of the State – those in the Beef Plan Movement or the tens of thousands whose incomes are so low as to be illegal if we applied the minimum wage criteria. If we look at the significant discrepancy in farm incomes and farm sizes, we can see why there would be a great deal of anger in rural Ireland. If we look at the figures for the decline in family farms, we understand the sense of decline and threat that many feel.

As such, it is odd that the Rural Independent Group and Government Deputies who tell us that they represent rural Ireland are the ones who most staunchly defend the status quo. They are resisting change of any sort, but what in the name of God are they doing defending the current policies and positions that have led rural Ireland into the situation it finds itself in today? The decline in biodiversity and the pollution of our rivers and waterways are not the only issues worth getting angry about. Over the years, I have seen debates in the Dáil about rural post offices shutting down, services and transport links being cut and villages being left isolated. These are worth getting angry about. Last week, we heard of women who had to search across several rural counties for GPs willing to provide reproductive care, with many having to travel to cities and towns to find that care. That is worth getting angry about. Are the profits of the Goodman Group and others, when looked at side by side with the struggles of poverty that many farmers experience, not worth getting angry about? No, it seems that the anger is reserved for any attempt to stop polluting rivers and lakes or any suggestion that climate change is real and something must be done to reduce our emissions in the face of the greatest threat to humanity. It is extraordinary to have a motion that proposes we continue to allow nitrates be used at current levels when later today we will be discussing an Environmental Protection Agency report that directly links the use of nitrates, especially in the south and the south east, to the decline in water quality and significant environmental damage that has ensued. This affects rural Ireland and its population most, yet the representatives of rural Ireland in the Dáil want to maintain that policy and allow the continued pollution of rivers and lakes.

This motion speaks of anger and fear in rural Ireland. It tells us of policies-----

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