Fergus O'Dowd (Louth, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

I move:

That Dáil Éireann shall take note of the Report of the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement entitled "Lessons from the Architects of the Good Friday Agreement", copies of which were laid before Dáil Éireann on 27th March, 2023.

The recent anniversaries of the signature of the Good Friday Agreement and of its resounding endorsement by referendum have provided an important period of reflection across these islands. To mark this period, the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, of which I am Cathaoirleach, undertook an ambitious project to gather lessons from the architects of the agreement, including how it came about and the key influences in getting it over the line.

In the year leading up to the anniversary of the agreement, we heard from a huge number of witnesses, including well-known public figures and people who worked behind the scenes. In all, we heard from 17 witnesses across 14 meetings from May 2022 to March 2023. The witnesses included renowned and key movers who were still alive. We spoke to civil servants, particularly from the Department of Foreign Affairs, politicians from the UK, Northern Ireland and the US and many other players. I will take this opportunity to name them. We heard from: Tim O'Connor, David Donoghue and Rory Montgomery, all former senior officials in the Department of Foreign Affairs; Jonathan Powell, chief of staff to former Prime Minister Tony Blair; Mark Durkan, former leader of the SDLP, a key member of the party's negotiating team and a former deputy First Minister; Lord Alderdice, former leader of the Alliance Party and first Speaker of the Northern Ireland Assembly; Bertie Ahern, former Taoiseach, who has done consistently impressive work since that time in furthering peace; former US Senator George Mitchell, who received praise from all sides for his Trojan and dedicated work as co-chair of the multiparty negotiations; John Bruton, former Taoiseach; Gerry Adams, former leader of Sinn Féin; Wally Kirwan, former senior official at the Department of the Taoiseach; Ambassador Eamonn McKee, formerly a senior official in the Department of Foreign Affairs; Martin Mansergh, former Deputy and Minister of State; Sir John Major, former UK Prime Minister; Liz O'Donnell, former Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs; Bronagh Hinds, former member of the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition; and Lord Empey, a key member of the Ulster Unionist Party negotiating team in the multiparty negotiations and former Northern Ireland Minister of Enterprise, Trade and Investment. The wide range of evidence these witnesses provided is all available online for future historians and anybody interested in studying how the peace came about, how it was kept and what we need to do in the future to continue the excellent work of the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement.

It was clear from the committee's discussions that the promise of the Good Friday Agreement remains unfulfilled. Sadly, its institutions have operated only fitfully. Some of the elements of the agreement have yet to be implemented at all. While Northern Ireland has achieved peace, it has not achieved reconciliation. The political leaders of Northern Ireland and the British and Irish Governments, as co-guarantors of the agreement, must act together urgently to redouble their commitment to the agreement, which must be implemented in full. The committee urges the political parties of Northern Ireland to return to power-sharing as soon as possible. A unique aspect of the committee is that it is not just composed of Senators and Deputies. Every Member of Parliament who is elected in Northern Ireland to the House of Commons has the option and the right to come to our meetings, speak at them and be heard clearly. They do not have the right to vote. Of the 18 Members of Parliament who are elected in Northern Ireland, 12 of them participate regularly in all our meetings. They include elected representatives of Sinn Féin, the SDLP and the Alliance Party. The one absence is the voice of the unionist population, which is probably the most important voice we need to hear if we are to continue the peace and get the Northern Ireland Assembly up and running. I take the opportunity to acknowledge in particular that Lord Empey came to our meeting and discussed the issues with us in a public forum.

It is evident from the committee's deliberations that a strong partnership between the British and Irish Governments, underpinned by trust, was absolutely essential to the success of the Good Friday Agreement. There have been different Prime Ministers since the agreement was signed. When the Irish and British Governments, particularly the Taoiseach and Prime Minister, work together and act in unison, it brings about the largest and most substantial changes. Anything that interferes with, changes, threatens or weakens that working relationship is not at all helpful. The problems we have had in this country and on our island recently are partly the consequence of changes in the membership and leadership of the British Government. It is only very recently, under the current Prime Minister, that our excellent relationships, which were absolutely top-class at the time of the agreement, have been fully restored and are getting stronger. For future peace on this island, and future economic and social co-operation on the east-west basis, it is essential that this continues. The point has been strongly made since Brexit that there are now reduced opportunities for contact at political and official level, notwithstanding an increase in meetings between senior officials and politicians. Effort must continued to be made to maximise the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement to support the bilateral relationship.

As the House will be aware, the Executive in the North is not functioning, the North-South bodies are not functioning and the North-South Ministers are not meeting. The east-west relationship is improving, however. Whatever happens and whenever the Executive is restored, it is my view that part of the restoration should be that the North-South bodies be strengthened and should have greater emphasis, notwithstanding the current situation. Under the Good Friday Agreement, everyone is entitled to have their identity - whether it is nationalist, unionist or neither - set out and supported. Strengthening our relationships on the island, politically, socially and economically, which is what our committee is about, is the way forward, and we are making progress on that.

Without the enormous contribution of the United States, the peace process would not have happened. Senator George Mitchell and President Bill Clinton were key players in that regard. The continued support from the United States to peace on this island is absolutely vital. The presence in this House of President Biden - and his visit to the North - was a huge bonus and a plus in securing stability and continued interaction in that relationship, and the continued support from America is essential.

Members of our cross-party committee visited the United States. We went to Washington DC and met with senior politicians. We also met with senior officials in the State Department. The committee also went to the United Kingdom and met with, among others, Lord Caine. We discussed the issues and the continuing need to keep improving our relationships. Some of the key issues arising out of the current discussions, and a source of deep concern for all the parties we have met in the North and the South, are the legacy issues and the legislation currently going through the House of Lords, the Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Bill, sponsored by Lord Caine. The latter is causing great concern and is a major impediment to the progress we all need in the context of reconciliation. Our committee calls for a renewed focus on reconciliation. The unanimous view of the committee is that the Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Bill should be abandoned. We call for a collective path forward that is centred on the victims and their families. It is key that they are at the core of any future relationship in building peace on this island.

It is also true that an entire generation has, thankfully, now grown up without experiencing the turmoil that blighted Northern Ireland and destroyed relationships. More than 3,500 people died. Hopefully, all of that is behind us now. We celebrate this and we welcome it. The committee believes there is a danger that the Good Friday Agreement is a victim of its own success. It is easy for some people to feel that getting the Good Friday Agreement was inevitable, or that peace can be taken for granted. It cannot. We know this from the attack on Detective Chief Inspector John Caldwell in the North. I am delighted Mr. Caldwell's health has improved. It shows us how close violence continues to be under the surface in our society.

As Senator George Mitchell said at our committee:

For anyone under 25, this all happened before they were born, but we must keep reminding ourselves and them what is at stake and encourage them as best we can to reach agreement. There is no magic formula I or any external person or force can suggest or impose on them. It must come from within - from the courage, strength and vision of the current political leaders of Northern Ireland in particular but also Ireland and the UK.

We undertook this project to ensure that the experiences of those who negotiated the agreement can inform our politics of today. This report clearly puts on record an example of the best that politics can be. The Good Friday Agreement was the result of the bravery, empathy, understanding, patience and, most of all, the determination of all parties to ensure that peace came to our island and the foundations were clearly laid for this historic political settlement. We hope this report will help to preserve those values for the next generation of political leaders as they face challenges yet to come.

Mar sin molaim don Dáil glacadh leis an tuarascáil seo. Tá sé soiléir gurb é an fáth go bhfuil síocháin ann ná go raibh na páirtithe go léir ag obair le chéile chun deireadh a chur leis an dúnmharú. Bhítear ag iarraidh go mbeadh cead ag éinne sa Tuaisceart aon rud a theastaigh uathu a fháil agus da mba poblachtánaithe nó aontachtóirí iad, go mbeadh an tseans agus an ceart sin acu. Go leana an síocháin go deo agus nach dtitfeadh aon rud amach sa tír ar an oileán seo san am atá le teacht gan tromlach na ndaoine sa Tuaisceart agus sa Deisceart a bheith sásta go dtarlódh sé. Tá sé thar a bheith tábhachtach go bhfuil léirithe ag Rialtas Shasana ach go háirithe agus ag an Rialtas anseo sa Deisceart, go nglacfaidís le haon rud a thagann ón dTuaisceart má bhíonn pobalbhreith ann ó thaobh Éire a bheith aontaithe nó gan a bheith aontaithe.

Tá mórán cainte ar an t-am atá le teacht. Tá sé in am dúinne go léir a bheith ag díriú ar cad is féidir linn a dhéanamh i dtreo is go mbeadh an rogha ag na daoine nua atá ag teacht - na daoine óga ach go háirithe - a meoin a nochtadh sa todhchaí ar cén sórt tír ar cheart a bheith ann. Beidh an Comhchoiste um Fhorfheidhmiú Chomhaontú Aoine an Chéasta ag díriú ar cad is féidir linn a dhéanamh, ar cén obair atá le déanamh ag an Rialtas, agus ar cén obair atá le déanamh leis na páirtithe sa Deisceart ach go háirithe, ó thaobh cúrsaí eacnamaíochta agus cúrsaí sóisialta de. Beimid ag díriú ar an gcomhoibriú gur féidir a dhéanamh le chéile ó thaobh cúrsaí cumhachta, ó thaobh cúrsaí sláinte, agus ó thaobh cúrsaí oideachais de. Tá a lán oibre le déanamh againn agus tá ár gcoiste dírithe ar an bprionsabal sin. Táimid ag caint le daoine ó thuaidh agus ó dheas faoi cad atá le teacht, cad is féidir linn a dhéanamh, agus conas mar is féidir an beart a dhéanamh le go mbeidh daoine sa Tuaisceart agus sa Deisceart ag comhoibriú lena céile; go mbeadh an tír i bhfad níos fearr; go mbeadh deireadh go deo leis an gcogadh agus an dúnmharú a bhí ann; agus go mbeadh síocháin agus an próiseas síochána ann go deo.

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