Sorca Clarke (Longford-Westmeath, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

I commend all of those who engaged in this process, those who supported them and those who showed persistence, bravery and determination to see the Defence Forces reform and be better. They have been vindicated in this stark and harrowing report. Some of them are in the Public Gallery.

I acknowledge the level of detail the independent review group delved into while conducting its work to produce this report. I thank the group.

There must be a starting point in this process, not only in terms of the Permanent Defence Force but also the Reserve Defence Force, the Department of Defence and the role Ministers play. Every cog in the mechanism of defence must change, and only full acceptance of that need will result in the requisite change. Sinn Féin will work with the Government in a collaborative way, but let me be clear. We will hold it to account every step of the way until such time as every single member of the Defence Forces serves in an environment that is at least a safe place to do so.

I have heard this report being referred to as 15 months of investigation and the Tánaiste stated the issues came to the fore in 2021. That is not accurate. The contents of this report have been known, but ignored, for decades. This report is almost 400 pages that once again capture in a single place the extent of abuse experienced by some in uniform at the hands of others in uniform. Senator Clonan's report was published in 2000. It showed that one in four women serving in the Defence Forces had been subjected to sexual abuse. On the back of that report, a Government study review group was established in 2003 by the then Fianna Fáil Minister, Mr. Michael Smith.

Culture eats strategy for breakfast. This is particularly true where there exists a chain of command or a hierarchy. Without effective implemented policies, management and control, nothing is going to change. This report represents if not one of the darkest days in the Defence Forces, then certainly one of the bleakest to date, and it demands immediate action. I did not get past the glossary of terms before I started feeling revulsion. "Tubbing" and "beasting" are terms we associate with hazing.

I have seen commentary attempting to belittle the report's findings. To be crystal clear, this report is not talking about misconstrued banter or appropriate actions necessary in the command structure of a military. It details the deliberate, orchestrated, repeated and systemic abuse of power that crossed a line to abuse, assault, humiliate, dehumanise and strip people of their dignity, safety, in many cases their careers and, most likely in some cases, their lives. It details a failed system whereby access to recourse is purposely contorted in a manner to demean further and to compound abuse. As the report states on page 44, this outright abuse of power is not only historical but ongoing.

The report is clear that the experience and actions detailed are not universal. Not everyone experienced abuse, not everyone engaged in abuse, and not everyone failed to act on reported abuse. There is no doubt the majority of members who serve in the Defence Forces are good women and men. They are proud of their service and to wear the uniform, and they uphold the values of the Defence Forces. They, too, are appalled and sickened by the contents of this report. Many of them are hurting, are questioning and are looking at some colleagues from a different perspective than previously.

Those members who espouse the core values of respect, moral courage and integrity must not give cover to those whose actions have resulted in such pain and suffering among their colleagues. They must ask themselves whether those people, through their actions, truly deserve their loyalty. The easy thing to do is to say nothing, but the right thing to do is to say something. I ask that of them because I fundamentally believe this report has not captured the full scale of experiences, which will only be done through a statutory inquiry. There are people who have served and are currently serving who did not engage in the process, not because their experience did not merit inclusion but because their trust and confidence in reporting mechanisms and structures have been so badly eroded they are essentially non-existent.

I do not have time to go into the detail of every area referenced in the report and I have no intention of placing a hierarchy on the horrendous lived experiences of others or of speaking only to some. Each is important. Each needs and deserves an equal measure to be addressed. Every line, paragraph and chapter needs to be read, read again and then implemented. The question for us today is where we go from here. What are the immediate steps that need to be taken now? As the report states, a failure to implement the recommendations will mean a further regression and the Defence Forces' position could deteriorate beyond repair. When will the engagements around the setting of the terms of reference for the statutory inquiry begin and will the Tánaiste ensure they are survivor focused? Will the inquiry include all arms of the Defence Forces, including the Reserve Defence Force, the Department of Defence and ministerial roles? Nothing less is acceptable. What are the proposed timelines for the legislative changes that are necessary? What are the proposed timelines around the non-statutory oversight entity?

Those who serve honourably and will serve honourably in the future deserve better. The survivors deserve justice and the perpetrators need to be held to account. As Women of Honour said in their statement the other day, justice delayed is justice denied. They have had justice delayed far too much to date.

See this speech in context