Seán Haughey (Dublin Bay North, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

The Czech Presidency of the EU has listed five priority themes to be advanced over the coming six months; managing the refugee crisis and Ukraine's post-war recovery, energy security; strengthening Europe's defence capabilities and cyberspace security; strategic resilience of the European economy and resilience of democratic institutions. As we know, Europe faces many challenges at this time. Other global challenges include food security and the fact that millions of people, worldwide, are experiencing hunger and famine, as we speak. Linked to this is the ongoing challenge of climate change. If that was not enough, there is the prospect of a global recession caused by energy insecurity and inflation.

Where to start in all of that? I will begin on an issue closer to home, mainly that of the Northern Ireland protocol and the fact that there will be a new British Prime Minister by September, at the latest. As we know, the legislation to set aside parts of the Northern Ireland protocol is still winding its way through the House of Commons. The legislation, if enacted, will break international law. It is also strongly supported by the outgoing Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, as well as members of the European Research Group within the Tory party. The clear aims and objectives of the protocol are to avoid the creation of a hard border on the island of Ireland and, more generally, to protect the Good Friday Agreement and the Northern Ireland peace process. This legislation is a worry.

The Taoiseach has suggested that the election of a new British Prime Minister is a chance to reset the relationship between Ireland and Britain. He is, of course, being very diplomatic in his choice of words. I intend to be equally diplomatic in my choice of words with regard to the fall of Boris Johnson. Needless to say, the election of a new leader of the Tory party is entirely a matter for the membership of that party and we should certainly not try to influence its decision in any way, even if we could. However, I hope, in earnest, that the next British Prime Minister will adopt a sensible and open approach to future negotiations within the EU, that he or she will commit to implementing the provisions of the Good Friday Agreement and will restore trust, generally, and respect for international law.

I will also draw attention to the remarkable solidarity shown to Ireland by fellow EU member states on the protocol issue. Most recently, the Dutch Prime Minister, Mark Rutte, and the German foreign minister articulated strong support for the Irish position, which is greatly appreciated. I am sure our EU colleagues have much on their minds and wish that the problem would go away, but they have stuck with us on it, for which we are grateful.

I also wish to say a few words on the Conference on the Future of Europe. This was a major exercise, which was brought to a conclusion on 9 May under the French Presidency. Of the 320 recommendations it produced, most can be implemented over time by the various institutions but there are three areas where treaty change would be required. These are making health a shared competence, switching from unanimity to qualified majority voting and increasing the powers of the European Parliament. It is unlikely anything involving treaty change arising from the conference will be followed up on. I do not believe we in Ireland are ready for a referendum on these matters just now, although I note the Taoiseach's point that we should have an open mind on treaty change as part of this process and have regard to making health a shared competence, for example.

On unanimity versus qualified majority voting, it would be better for the EU to try to reach consensus on the various issues and alleviate any concerns member states may have. Compromise will always be required in politics and democracy must be respected. I understand there will be a detailed assessment of all the recommendations the conference made and this will involve all relevant Departments and will be overseen by the Department of Foreign Affairs. I hope the Minister of State will keep the House briefed on this assessment and fully briefed on that process generally.

Then there is the issue of enlargement of the EU, which Members have spoken about already. Ireland supports enlargement of the EU as a general principle. Our membership of the EU has been transformative over the past 50 years. Future enlargement will bring about further peace and stability in the various regions. The decision to grant candidate status to Ukraine and Moldova is greatly welcomed, having regard to the new geopolitical realities following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, but we should all support the other states waiting at the door, especially the western Balkan countries of North Macedonia, Albania, Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo, as well as Georgia, which was not given candidate status with Ukraine and Moldova. Instead, it was granted potential candidate status and asked to deal with 12 key priority areas of reform, including addressing political polarisation and implementing commitments on "de-oligarchisation", which is a new word. On a recent visit to Georgia as part of a delegation from the Oireachtas Joint Committee on European Union Affairs, I found there was disappointment with the decision of the Commission and Council. Equally, there was a determination to press ahead with the necessary reforms, provided they can be clarified and quantified in a practical way. On the 12 recommendations, there was a little confusion about how some of these can be clarified and quantified. I refer, for example, to addressing political polarisation. We have seen polarisation in this House. We have certainly seen polarisation on Capitol Hill. Perhaps polarisation will be part and parcel of politics in future. In any event, I wish Georgia well in its endeavours and hope it will not have too long to wait for its final accession the EU.

The House will be aware there is currently a severe famine in east Africa, specifically in the Horn of Africa. It is mainly affecting three countries, namely, Somalia, Ethiopia and Kenya where more than 23 million people are experiencing extreme hunger. These countries have now had their fourth successive dry rainy season. The UN has stated €4.2 billion is needed to prevent a humanitarian disaster in the region. Dóchas has made a number of recommendations in this regard in its 2023 pre-budget submission, including the need to increase Irish aid, but it is clear a global response is now needed. These countries experienced a similar humanitarian disaster in 2011 and the world promised at that time it would not happen again. It is happening again and the world must act. I hope Ireland will be to the forefront, through its membership of the EU and the UN Security Council, in awakening the global community to this catastrophe and calling for appropriate action to be taken before it is too late. Again, Russia is also contributing to that problem through its blockade of Ukrainian ports on the Black Sea. The UN must be encouraged to try to get the wheat, maize and sunflower oil out and exported so these countries do not suffer the humanitarian crisis we all fear.

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