Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

Tá áthas orm a rá agus a fháil amach gur foilsíodh an Bille aitheantais agus teanga inniu i dTeach na dTiarnaí i Londain. I am really happy the identity and language Bill has been introduced to the House of Lords. We wish that safe and successful passage as soon as possible. Many Deputies raised it and is ábhar an-tábhachtach é seo. No language is a threat to anybody. Tá teangacha ag an mBreatain amhail an Choirnis, an Bhreatnais, an Mhanainnis agus Gaeilge na hAlban freisin agus tá aitheantas á thabhairt aici don Ghaeilge i dTuaisceart Éireann. Ní bagairt d’aon duine é seo. Language is never a threat. Unfortunately, there are language issues in various parts of the European Union as well. I bring the message wherever I can that it is never a threat.

De bharr na staire, na tíreolaíochta agus stádas Thuaisceart Éireann, caithfear freagraí ar leith a bheith againn do na dúshláin atá os comhair Thuaisceart Éireann. Caithfear comhpháirtí a bheith againn agus muid ag dearadh na bhfreagraí sin. Is é an comhpháirtí sin ná Rialtas na Breataine. Níl an chomhpháirtíocht sin sochar faoi láthair ach ní féidir léi teip a bheith uirthi.

Táimid tar éis a bheith tríd amanna deacra ach d’éiríomar i gcónaí trí na tréimhsí deacra sin. D’éiríomar agus d’éirigh le pobal an Tuaiscirt ach go háirithe. Níl aon dabht ach gur féidir linn na buaicphointí a bheith againn arís ach chun bheith soiléir, tá imní dhomhain ar Rialtas na hÉireann maidir le gníomhartha Rialtas na Breataine leis na seachtainí anuas. Caithfidh mé bheith an-soiléir faoi sin.

Tá an caidreamh idir an dá stát anseo i bhfad níos leithne ná an caidreamh atá idir an dá rialtas áfach. Tá ár naisc deimhin agus leathan tríd an mBreatain Mhór go léir. Tá nasc bunúsach idir Éire agus an Bhreatain Mhór. Is comhpháirtí nádúrtha muid i réimsí gan líon. Is beag duine nach bhfuil gaol nó cara acu sa Bhreatain Mhór. Tá na naisc seo idir dhaoine i gcroílár chaidreamh an dá stát.

Sna blianta i ndiaidh Chomhaontú Aoine an Chéasta, tháinig an caidreamh sin idir an dá stát chun buaicphointí nua dearfacha. Is cuimhin leis a lán daoine na híomhánna beoga a tháinig ó chuairt na Banríona Éilis go hÉirinn i 2011 agus an fháilte a cuireadh roimh an Uachtarán Mícheál D. Ó hUigínn i rith a chuairte stáit go dtí an Ríocht Aontaithe i 2014.

Tá an leibhéal páirtnéireachta sin de dhíth orainn arís, go háirithe ina dhiaidh na Breatimeachta, chun an caidreamh eadrainn a athnuachan. Táimid ag iarraidh fíor-pháirtnéireachta idir an tAontas Eorpach agus an Ríocht Aontaithe.

Ar Chomhairle Slándála na Náisiún Aontaithe, tá Éire agus an Bhreatain Mhór ag obair le chéile. Tá comhoibriú déanta ag an Aontas Eorpach agus ag an Ríocht Aontaithe maidir leis an Úcráin ar an gComhairle Slándála chomh maith. Feictear go soiléir go bhfuil an fhéidearthacht sin ann dúinn go léir. Ach bunófar an caidreamh láidir idir an dá Rialtas ar mhuinín agus ar mheas eadrainn go léir. Is fada ón mbunús sin iad roinnt de na ráitis agus gníomhartha atá ag teacht ón Rialtas i Londain le déanaí, ach caithfimid leanúint ar aghaidh ag cur in iúl don Rialtas sin an tábhacht a bhaineann leis an sórt caidrimh sin atá bunaithe ar mheas agus ar mhuinín.

I will speak on some of the very important issues raised in the debate. The Stormont House Agreement is the agreed way forward to address the legacy of the past. It is the product of difficult compromises. The agreement was made with the intention of securing the end to violence that was delivered by the Good Friday Agreement. These compromises were made on the understanding that all sides would adhere to the agreements reached. As former Senator Gordon Wilson said, and he has already been invoked in the Chamber, compromise is not giving in, it is maturity.

The Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Bill represents a unilateral abandonment of the Stormont House Agreement. This new legislation introduced to deal with the legacy of the past is not the act of a partner. The publication of the Bill and its contents have profoundly shocked and angered many of the families of the victims of the Troubles. All of the Northern Ireland parties have rejected it. Speaking in the Chamber last year, the Minister, Deputy Coveney, said the Government is committed to helping all those who lost loved ones during the Troubles and who seek truth and justice to find it. I want families to know the commitment of the Irish Government has not wavered. The Irish Government will continue to advocate for truth, justice, the rule of law and empathy with each other's pain. The protection of the Good Friday Agreement and the hard-won gains of the peace process are always our primary concerns. This is precisely what the protocol was designed to do in the difficult circumstances created by the UK's withdrawal from the EU. It is an integral part of an international agreement negotiated, agreed and ratified by the British Government with the EU. International agreements entered in good faith simply cannot be unilaterally disapplied.

I remain in regular engagement with my counterparts throughout the EU and I thank them for their solidarity and support. The European Union remains absolutely united in its approach to Northern Ireland and its commitment to peace in Northern Ireland. My clear conclusion from my engagements with my counterparts and senior European Union officials is that the EU is focused on making the protocol work and addressing the genuine concerns that people such as Maroš Šefčovič have heard raised by people in Northern Ireland on some aspects of the protocol. The European Union proposals introduced to ensure the continued long-term supply of medicines from Britain to Northern Ireland are a prime example of how the EU is taking a solutions-focused approach and not an ideology-focused approach when addressing the protocol. The European Union is not trying to punish anyone. It is not being ideological. It is being practical in trying to deliver what the protocol promises. The protocol does not damage Northern Ireland's economy. Ask businesses and they will explain why. It creates genuine opportunity, as the voices of business have been saying. There are historically high levels of investment in Northern Ireland. These are helping to counter some of the difficulties we acknowledge have been realised because of Brexit and the protocol.

Unilateral action jeopardises all of these positives. It undermines confidence in Northern Ireland's economy and is politically destabilising. The EU stands ready to talk to the UK at any time and remains fully committed to working jointly with the UK to reach solutions for the genuine issues of concern for the people and businesses of Northern Ireland. The British Government must step back from the proposals it announced last week. It is the third time it has announced a version of this. It must have further engagement with the EU in the spirit of dialogue and partnership. The uncertainty caused by this constant stream of announcements from London is deeply damaging to investment and business in Northern Ireland. Who has not met someone involved in business for whom certainty is the most important consideration? This is what is required in Northern Ireland. The British Government would do very well to look at the best interests of Northern Ireland and not any other interests.

Other legislation being introduced by the British Government is also very disruptive to people on the island. The introduction of an electronic travel authorisation scheme for cross-Border journeys could cause considerable disruption to tens of thousands of people who cross the Border every day who are not Irish or British. We want to work in partnership with the British Government on this to reach solutions. I have had meetings with my counterparts and a lot of work is going on at official and political level to solve this issue. The UK's human rights legislation threatens to move away from the role of the European Court of Human Rights in Northern Ireland. It is an essential component of the Good Friday Agreement. It is tragic because the role of the European Court of Human Rights has instilled confidence in Northern Ireland's political, policing and judicial structure over the past 24 years. Britain was one of the key voices, along with Ireland, in the establishment of the Council of Europe. We must keep reminding our British friends of the importance of the Council of Europe, the European Court of Human Rights and the legislation that has flowed from it.

It is vital there is a functioning Executive and assembly in Northern Ireland so the voices of the people can be heard on all issues. The Government will support the elected members of Northern Ireland in forming a government. The challenges are not insurmountable. They required the British Government not to take unilateral action not only in connection with the protocol but also with the Good Friday Agreement. It is a co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement. It is not up to one co-guarantor to make statements about the Good Friday Agreement and the problems it sees. It is up to everybody to work together and we can solve these problems.

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