Michael Creed (Cork North West, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

My son who is in primary school asked me at the weekend whether we are facing a world war. When I realised that I could not give a monosyllabic answer to a very straightforward question, it encapsulated the magnitude of the event we are discussing today. I rise in support of the Government motion in solidarity with the Ukrainian people and in condemnation of the invasion of Ukraine by Russia. It is a breach of international law. It is a monumental failure of politics, which is the stock-in-trade of what we do. We have to accept that internationally, as politicians, we have failed. It is inconceivable that having seen the devastation of a world war on European soil and European citizens in living memory that we could be on the cusp of that again. That is why we must recognise that this is a watershed moment. History has a habit of repeating itself. We know the consequences of appeasement in the 1930s. Appeasement of Putin to date has led us to this situation.

Words matter. I welcome the apparent consensus. It is broadly nuanced in certain circumstances and belated from other quarters within this House. Nevertheless, I welcome the broad consensus of the contributions to this debate. However the genesis of this problem goes back at least to 2014 and the invasion of Crimea by Russia. On that occasion, unfortunately, many within this House and others who have flown this nest and gone elsewhere failed the test in that appeasement of Putin's Russia on those occasions. The voting record of members of the European Parliament then and subsequently, even as recently as December, is a travesty of appeasement of a brutal regime that breaches international law and has led us to where we are today.

As I say, words matter in politics. They are the stock-in-trade of our profession. Unfortunately, many have failed the test. I welcome the international coalition that has been amassed. I acknowledge in particular the role played by the Government and the support it has received in the House and from the people at large for the actions taken. The stock-in-trade of the Putin regime has included breaches of international law, suppression of dissent and poisoning. The list is endless. We should have no truck with that. There should be no equivocation in respect of lawlessness.

Last week I attended the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, OSCE, parliamentary assembly meeting in Vienna. I took the opportunity on Thursday to express the solidarity of this Parliament and the Irish people with the Ukrainian people.

One of the most telling contributions at that meeting was made by the Ukrainian representative, who said if we think this is going to end in Ukraine, we are making a monumental mistake. His prediction was if Putin succeeds in Ukraine the next stop is Moldova. Thereafter, he will continue unfinished business in Georgia and in doing all that he will be destabilising Russian minorities within the European Union's borders and heading for the Baltic states. In that context, I acknowledge the role we have played in building that consensus and the actions we have taken, while suggesting one or two others. We could follow the Turks' example in closing the Bosporus. We could close the Skagerrak. That would close off a marine avenue for Russian trade that would be significant. It is something that could be considered by the Heads of Government, the Council of Ministers, etc. We should also consider another maritime step. We should not purchase any of the proceeds of the Russian fishing fleet, which I think would be significant.

I acknowledge I am impinging on Deputy Calleary's time. What is needed is regime change. I salute the opposition in Russia. It is a monumentally brave act to put your head above the parapet in Russia and stand up against Putin's regime. We need regime change in Russia. We need to ensure the cyberattacks, poisonings, interference with foreign elections and suppression of civilian and political dissent comes to an end so we can have normal relations. I acknowledge the calls made by others for the expulsion of the Russian ambassador. Action should be taken against the Russian diplomatic service in Dublin. I acquiesce to the judgment of the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Government as to who should bear the brunt of that, but it is undoubtedly true the incumbent is a yes-man and an apologist for the Putin regime. Whether his presence here can continue or not is something that is up for question, but we need to have avenues of communication open. I am reminded of Kissinger's remarks on America in Europe when we asked who do you call when you want to talk to Europe. We need somebody to talk to. There are Irish citizens in Russia. Russia may well call the shots in Ukraine temporarily in the weeks to come, and we have citizens there also. I conclude by acknowledging the role played by our diplomatic mission in Kyiv in particular. It has done a fantastic job of work in the most difficult of circumstances.

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