Simon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

I wish to open this debate with a clear and unambiguous statement, one that I know will resonate throughout the course of the debate: Ireland is unwavering in its support of Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. In 2014 Russia invaded Ukraine and illegally annexed the Crimea peninsula. Since then, the conflict in Ukraine's eastern region of Donbas has endured, with dire humanitarian consequences.

On Monday night the United Nations Secretary General stated that the decision of the Russian Federation to recognise the independence of the non-government-controlled areas of Ukraine was a violation of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine and inconsistent with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. A rare emergency session of the United Nations Security Council was convened late on Monday night. In her opening remarks to the session, UN Under-Secretary General Rosemary DiCarlo captured the gravity of this moment, stating, "The risk of major conflict is real and needs to be prevented at all costs." Ireland spoke clearly to underline that the decision to recognise the breakaway territories in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions of Ukraine is a flagrant violation of international law. Ireland sought a seat on the Security Council because of our belief in multilateralism. As we said on Monday night in New York, the Security Council and its members have the responsibility to work to resolve this conflict. This is the time to show the courage to pull back from the precipice and to return to dialogue and diplomacy. Ireland believes in and is fully committed to the core principles enshrined in the UN Charter. These include sovereign equality and territorial integrity of states. Ukraine has the same fundamental right as every other sovereign and independent state to choose its own foreign policy and to ensure the security and defence of its own people and territory. The commitments we make as members of the UN are binding on every one of us, with no exceptions, regardless of how big or powerful a member state is.

It is our responsibility as a Parliament to stand up and to speak out to defend the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognised borders. Those borders have not changed. The decision by President Putin to recognise the so-called people's republics of Donetsk and Luhansk does not change those borders one iota. Ukraine's borders today are what they were on Monday and what they were on its independence more than 30 years ago, in 1991. In statements in this House and in the Seanad, Members have shown consistent support for Ukraine and an appreciation of the difficulties the country faces. Last week Ukraine's ambassador to Ireland, who is here with us in the Gallery this evening, addressed our Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence, where Members of both Houses, from all parties, expressed their support for Ukraine.

That support is reflective of a broad sympathy with Ukraine across Irish society. That sense of solidarity has been palpable as this crisis has dominated international news in recent weeks and months. We have in recent times welcomed closer links with Ukraine, driven by increasing business and family ties. I understand that Ukrainians are now in the top ten of dual national communities in Ireland by population at well more than 4,000 families.

Here in Ireland, we know the value of the rules-based international order. It has served us very well. We know the importance of respecting the voice and integrity of all countries, big, small and medium-sized. Most fundamentally, we know the value of peace. We know that one state threatening and using lethal force against another to get its way or to expand its territory is no solution. Ireland has a deep understanding, informed by our own history, that it is dialogue and respect, not violence, that resolve disputes. This drives our solidarity with Ukraine this evening and will drive it in the weeks ahead.

For many months Russia has been conducting a build-up of troops near and around Ukraine. It is currently estimated there are at least 110 Russian battalion tactical groups and 190,000 troops in place in and around Ukraine's borders with Russia and Belarus. In addition, we see the deployment of very substantial naval assets, including in the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea, as well as combat aircraft and helicopters. This massive build-up of troops and combat equipment is happening at the same time as a significant increase in false flag operations, disinformation and propaganda efforts.

All of this would suggest that, contrary to the Russian Government’s repeated assertion that it has no wish to invade Ukraine, there is a real possibility President Putin is considering a full-scale invasion of that country. We see clearly that the Russian Government is willing to use military aggression against Ukraine in order to get what it wants. At this crucial hour, it is important to speak plainly on this matter. This is what the Russian Government did in 2014 and what it threatens to do again. This has no place in the modern world, particularly in Europe. Have we not learnt from history? A resort to military conquest, for one state to impose its will unilaterally against another or to annex parts of another's territory should be unacceptable to all of us, particularly on this continent.

The current situation in eastern Ukraine is of grave concern. The conflict has to date claimed more than 14,000 lives in that area. Thanks to the efforts of the Trilateral Contact Group, which involves Russia, Ukraine and a representative of the OSCE, a new ceasefire was brokered in 2020. Unfortunately, in recent weeks there has been a marked increase in ceasefire violations and credible reports of shelling on Ukrainian army positions. In December, Russia published security demands addressed to NATO. The substance of some of those demands violated the right of states to pursue their own sovereign foreign policy choices in the context of their own security. They included demands that there be no further expansion of NATO and that NATO military infrastructure be rolled back from some states. We in Ireland are clear that it is our sovereign choice which international organisations we should join or not join, as the case may be. We cannot countenance one state dictating to another which organisations it should be involved with. This is well understood by all of our EU partners.

Russia’s demands, were they to be seriously entertained, would amount to a significant rewriting of Europe’s security architecture, by which I mean, essentially, the set of agreements which were put in place in the decades following the Second World War to ensure that the horrific events of those years would not be repeated. The destruction of the war years was enabled by the belief that military might makes right, regardless of other considerations. That is the culture which leads to world wars. After the unprecedented devastation created by the combination of this philosophy with modern weaponry, that culture was no longer tenable for Europe. That is why we put in place the agreements I refer to, including, under the auspices of the OSCE, the Helsinki Final Act of 1975. These agreements and a return to the Normandy format continue to offer the framework for a diplomatic resolution of the current situation.

The suffering and immense fortitude of the Russian and Ukrainian peoples during the Second World War is well known and remembered. I am sure the Russian people do not want to see Europe return to war. Our deep concern about the actions of the Russian leadership does not diminish the friendship and respect we have for ordinary Russians, including those who have built a future in Ireland. This issue is wider than Ukraine. It affects the whole of Europe. This is a challenge to the principles and agreements which have kept Europe comparatively secure and peaceful in our lifetimes. We cannot take that security and peace for granted any longer. This is why our solidarity with Ukraine is unwavering. True solidarity stems from an understanding that a harm against one affects all. It is with this sense of unity and mutuality that we extend our continued support to the people of Ukraine.

For a year, EU discussions on Russia’s aggressive stance towards Ukraine and EU contacts with the Ukrainian Government have been intensive. Some commentary has suggested EU disunity on the issue. I want to address that directly because EU unity, in my experience, has been remarkable. Each of the EU 27 member states has its own concerns, emphases, history and geography and different states have different relationships with Russia. However, there has not been disunity. Every state has recognised the grave threat Russia’s aggressive stance towards Ukraine poses to peace and stability on our continent.

In April 2021, EU foreign ministers were united in support of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. They were united when I attended the international Crimea platform in Kyiv in August, expressing Ireland’s support for the peaceful de-occupation of Crimea by Russia. Our countries’ leaders met in the European Council on 16 December where they reiterated the EU’s full support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and made it abundantly clear that any further military aggression against Ukraine will have massive consequences and severe cost in response. In January, I and my fellow foreign ministers met in France. The security situation was discussed in detail and unity was the dominant theme of the conversation then, as it is today. The conclusions which followed the 24 January Foreign Affairs Council show the strength of EU consensus on this most serious of issues, namely, the security of our continent. The EU reaffirmed our commitment to the core principles on which European security is built, enshrined in the UN Charter and the founding documents of the OSCE, including the Helsinki Final Act and the Charter of Paris. These include notably the sovereign equality and territorial integrity of all states, refraining from the threat or use of force, and the freedom of states to choose or change their own security arrangements. We reaffirmed that these principles are neither negotiable nor subject to revision or reinterpretation. We stated that their violation by Russia is an obstacle to a common and indivisible security space in Europe and threatens peace and stability on our continent. We also underlined the role of the OSCE as the appropriate forum to address security concerns of all interested parties. We welcomed the efforts of the Polish chair-in-office to swiftly initiate a substantial dialogue on European security.

The decisions which Russia has taken this week to violate the independence and sovereignty of Ukraine stand as a severe breach of international law and of international agreements which Russia has signed. Russia has broken its commitments to work with the Normandy format and the OSCE Trilateral Contact Group to find a peaceful settlement and is violating UN Security Council Resolution 2202, which requires full implementation of the Minsk agreements.

Together with our EU partners, we have urged Russia to reverse its recognition, uphold its commitments, abide by international law and return to meaningful negotiations and dialogue without delay. I have instructed senior officials in my Department to summon the Russian ambassador this evening to underline Ireland’s strong views on these issues. The EU has responded swiftly to Monday’s moves by Russia, as is clearly warranted. In close co-ordination with international partners, discussions have been ongoing on an initial package of targeted sanctions, which was adopted this afternoon.

The EU sanctions will target the following: 336 members of the Russian state Duma who voted for this violation of international law and of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine, in addition to 22 members already on EU sanctions lists; 26 decision-makers responsible for the threatening of Ukraine’s territorial integrity and individuals and entities financially or materially supporting them or benefitting from them; those in the defence sector who play a role in destabilising actions and those who wage a disinformation war against Ukraine; selected banks that are financing Russian decision-makers and other operations in those territories; economic relations between the two breakaway regions and the EU, to ensure that those responsible clearly feel the economic consequences of their illegal and aggressive actions; and

the ability of the Russian state and Government to access the EU’s capital and financial markets and services, to limit the financing of aggressive policies.

The EU stands ready to adopt additional measures later, if needed, in light of further developments. Ireland will work to ensure that all EU sanctions are implemented here, including in respect of financial services and the IFSC. At this critical moment, Ireland stands alongside Ukraine and reaffirms that an attack on Ukraine would represent an attack on the entire rules-based international order. Such an attack will be met with severe consequences, as I think we have made very clear.

What I want to focus on in my final comments is that dialogue and diplomacy remain the only way forward and the best way to resolve political differences and preserve peace. The alternative is war and sanctions in both directions. In that scenario, not only will Ukraine, unfortunately, suffer the enormous human cost of war, with thousands of people losing their lives, but the very security structure of relationships on this continent between Russia and the rest of Europe will be fundamentally changed for the worst for quite some time to come. The focus, therefore, must not be on how we respond to increasing conflict or war, but how we prevent it.

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