Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this very important and timely discussion. I am grateful to the Taoiseach for his update following the Council meeting held prior to Christmas. While much has changed, much has not. There are only three areas I want to focus on this afternoon. One could focus on 300 areas if one really wanted to. First is the extremely worrying situation on the European Union's eastern flank, to pick up from Deputy Gannon. It has dominated much discussion over recent days and most recently at the Foreign Affairs Council. Despite what some people might think, this does impact us not just because of military exercises taking place 240 km off our south coast. It affects the entire European Union. The knock-on effect in terms of energy provision and supply, the possible economic ramifications, and the fact we have seen cyber attacks in this country and hybrid warfare deployed along the European Union's eastern flank over recent months is absolutely something that impacts us.

It is now that we truly need to see European unity when it comes to dealing with Russia, but we have not seen that up to this point, to be quite frank. It is time we had an emergency European Council meeting. I think we are moving to that position. Despite the amount of discussion that is being held between certain European institutional and member state leaders with allies in the US and NATO, and discussions at the Foreign Affairs Council, we need to get people together at Head of Government level to see where there can be a united response. We talk about leverage and the ability to de-escalate the conflict. Diplomacy is obviously king and the best way to go about it. No one wants to see an escalation of overt military action. However, the European Union cannot be afraid to look at the economic leverage it has over Russia. I refer to the proper use of sanctions, not blankly across the Russian Federation but targeted especially against the leadership, the elite and the oligarchs who surround the Russian President. They have worked before; we know that. That is how important they are. Targeted, impactful sanctions need to be on the table. Discussion about them needs to end. They simply need to be implemented now. It is not just the people of Ukraine who are viewing this escalation with trepidation and fear; it is all the people in western Europe, and rightly so. This is not a new phenomenon. It is an extremely worrying phenomenon. It is not something that can take a weak or light response.

It asks further questions about the security and defence capabilities of the European Union and, more pertinently, closer to home, what role we play in it.

Are we contributing? Are we overly reliant? Where can we contribute? Is it merely a matter of increased investment in our Defence Forces or is it a question of increased levels of co-operation, in particular in the sharing of security information? After the cyberattack in the summer months, we saw the importance of working with European partners. We must have an honest debate in the House about that.

The second point I would like to focus on is the ongoing Covid-19 situation. While we in this country are moving away from the emergency situation - with the relaxation of restrictions, there is perhaps a different mindset and approach, and let us all hope we are moving from pandemic to epidemic - the situation is not necessarily the exact same across Europe or the wider world, in particular the developed world. As we move into this period, we need to see an element of co-ordination and co-operation, especially on Covid passes. We know that Covid passes for second dose vaccinations are due to expire. Anyone who has travelled on the Continent knows that going from member state to member state comes with different Covid pass requirements. While there remains a requirement in Ireland in respect of travel, we have to be clear on the responsibilities. It behoves every citizen who can to get vaccinated against Covid-19 and get a booster, but it is also the responsibility of the EU and member state governments to continue encouraging their domestic populations to get vaccinated and diversifying the supply of vaccines around the world.

I do not know whether the Minister of State will be able to address my next point, namely, ensuring recognition for the vaccine status of Irish citizens, particularly those who have been vaccinated or boosted in Northern Ireland as well as those who have been vaccinated outside the EU, specifically the UK. This matter caused quite a bit of concern when vaccine passes were introduced, and now that we are requiring people to have boosted vaccination passes, it needs to be prioritised.

I had not intended to speak too long about the ongoing discussions between the EU and the UK on the post-Brexit protocol because, like others, I had hoped that the change in tone that was mentioned was real. With Deputies Niamh Smyth and Ó Murchú, we met Commissioner Šefčovič in Strasbourg and got a decent update. We were all appeased that there was ongoing discussion at a technical level. The Minister of State has been clear with the House about the progress that is being made and the opportunities that lie therein, but I have to be frank. An hour ago, the UK's Foreign and Commonwealth Office, FCO, put out the most ridiculous tweet - it can only be described as Trumpian propaganda - and I have to question why. When we need co-operation between the EU, the UK, the US, other western countries and NATO to deal with an escalating problem on the EU's eastern border in Ukraine and when the protocol talks are supposedly moving to a better place, out of nowhere a ridiculous video was put out not by a politician, but by a British Government institution - the FCO - saying all manner of things about how the Northern Irish protocol worked.

Are we being taken for mugs? The British Government is saying one thing at one meeting and dealing with its own domestic chaos in Westminster but then saying the opposite things in a video published by a civil service body. It was not published by a politician. It was not a column in the Daily Expressor the Mail on Sundayfrom a disgruntled Brexiteer from the ERG or whatever, which we could dismiss. It was from an institution of a state with which we have a close relationship, albeit a relationship that has been tested in recent years. We need to have a relationship that is based on honesty and trust. You can best be someone's friend by being honest with him or her.

How in the name of God are we going to progress relations and get a solution on the protocol when the British Government once again and on an official basis trashes the very agreement it agreed to just over a year ago on the same day the DUP yet again threatened to pull down Stormont because it was not getting what it wanted in the protocol? The very architects of Brexit - those who forced it through and convinced the people to vote for an absolute myth and nonsense - are once again failing to pick up their duties and implement their responsibilities.

I know how personally engaged and involved the Minister of State is in this matter, as are the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Coveney, and I know the frustration I am showing from the backbenches probably goes a little further - I am in a position to do so as a backbencher - but we have to be clear in the upcoming discussions with Commissioner Šefčovič and European allies and colleagues, and directly with British Government ministers, that we want to see the deal implemented and we need to do this with a level of trust that quite simply has not been displayed so far.

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