Dáil debates

Wednesday, 6 October 2021

The National Youth Justice Strategy 2021-2027 and Supporting Community Safety: Statements

 

1:47 pm

Photo of Pa DalyPa Daly (Kerry, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

As Deputy Martin Kenny said, Sinn Féin broadly welcomes this strategy. It takes the right approach and, hopefully, will be backed by investment.

The key is that the strategy mentions the need for contact with vulnerable youth to take place at an earlier stage than when they have offended. Providing supports at that age is all well and good, but it is often too late. The links between socio-economic circumstances, child and welfare issues, and offending are also examined in the report.

The policies of austerity deprived many poorer communities of jobs, resources and capital. It is somewhat ironic that those who implemented those policies are spearheading a strategy in this area that acknowledges how detrimental those wider economic and social policies were. There is no substitute for decent working conditions, fair employment and well-resourced schools. We should not be in a position where interventions are only available once the offending takes place, even though that is the correct approach in isolation. We must also identify and help children who are exposed to trauma at an early age.

On its own merits, the strategy is a good one. The first part of it relates to the focus on diverting young people from the formal youth justice system. if possible, and the use of detention as a last resort. In my years working in the Bridewell courts and Tralee, I saw the good work that was done in keeping people away from the courts and ensuring they did not get a criminal record which would hamstring them for the rest of their working career. Detention is something we should avoid no matter what age the person, if at all possible, but it has a particular effect on minors. Their development may be stunted and their future severely compromised as they struggle to adapt away from wider society and educational opportunities.

The second part deals with restorative justice, which the strategy mentions numerous times. This is welcome but lacks detail. With adult offenders, restorative justice is much underused officially and should be promoted further and institutionalised. Without a solid track record with adult cases, it would be interesting to see how this is implemented for children. The rights and voices of victims are important but it is fair to say that given the nature of most crimes committed by minors and their potential to turn themselves around, many victims would support and accept restorative justice measures. It is a rhetorical sleight of hand to always equate the victim's voice with harsher and more punitive measures. I hope this strategy will undermine that practice somewhat.

The language of the document is largely positive but it will need to be backed by proper intent. For instance, the youth justice oversight group seems good on paper, but why is there not an ambition for a proper youth justice agency such as there is in Scotland? Co-ordination between agencies is fine in principle but in practice budgets, reporting lines and functionality all matter.

A strategy to which all adhere is good, but more of the actual responsibility falling on a specific body would have been progress. The fact that some youth justice functions transferred from the Department of Justice to the Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth last year is a case in point, as this strategy presumes greater co-operation while leaving much of the structure untouched. The transfer is also of concern because it could end up with youth justice as an afterthought within adult justice systems, something that a more comprehensive reform would have changed.

Although the strategy is a step in the right direction, we will eagerly await its implementation.

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