Michael Collins (Cork South West, Independent) | Oireachtas source

At the outset, I wish to thank the Minister. I have often spoken in the House about Vera Twomey's situation during the Covid-19 crisis. I often asked the Minister to liaise with her. His staff have done so and they had a successful discussion. I wish to put that on the record and to thank the Minister for it. It is very important for Ms Twomey and for other people who are in that situation in respect of medicinal cannabis. That is very much appreciated.

I will oppose the extension of these severe restrictions. I have received many emails and so much post that my postman is scratching the back of his head. He does not know how many more letters I will get on this issue. People are very upset and extremely worried about the restrictions. Some of them were necessary, and I would not oppose commonsense restrictions at very serious times, but we want to see the light. People can see the light in Northern Ireland and they would love to think that they could do the same here, but that is not happening. People's businesses are suffering. In Cork South-West, the constituency I represent, people's businesses have been severely affected. Some people have not opened their business since the pandemic first struck in March and April 2020, such as public houses. There was an announcement today of the new restrictions that will allow some of them to open, but most of them will not be able to open. To hear of the PUP and other payments being dropped is putting severe pressure on their state of mind and mental health. What has been forgotten in all the argument and the Covid-19 crisis is the mental health pressure put on people. I ask the Minister to consider that. The Rural Independent Group will put forward amendments providing for a sunset clause on 9 June, as well as other amendments.

Light at the end of the tunnel is something many organisations, individuals, businesses and the country need - a clear guideline as to when things will reopen safely and properly. There are many mixed messages and that is causing more confusion and fear. That comes back to us, the politicians on the ground. People are asking us what is happening, when their businesses can reopen and whether they will be compensated to try to continue the business after it has been closed. We are unable to answer many of the questions. People have been very careful. Nobody wants to get this virus. I saw that today in Cork. I commend the fishermen of south-west Cork and the rest of the country who converged on the Port of Cork today in their hundreds. They wore masks and tried to socially distance. I commend all the fishermen, their wives and children who were there today on the safety with which they ran that protest. The way it was carried out by the Irish South and West Fishermen's Organisation sent an incredibly strong message. I am very disappointed that neither of our two senior Ministers, Deputies Coveney and Michael McGrath, nor the Taoiseach were able to present themselves to the fishermen. However, that is another story. The people of Castletownbere, Unionhall, Schull, Kinsale and Glandore were there in high numbers today, along with me, to support them. I will continue to do that for as long as I am elected to the Dáil. It is time for a massive debate on fishing.

However, today we are discussing the continuation of the restrictions. I have been strongly opposed to many of the restrictions in the churches. I attended church in Lowertown, Schull, last Saturday night. I counted 49 people there, but that church could hold 300 people. The nearest church in Goleen can hold more than 500, the church in Schull can perhaps hold 350 and the church in Ballydehob can hold over 400. Then I go into a shop and I cannot understand for the life of me - I have no problems with the shops - how big shops in the cities, such as Tesco, can have hundreds of people shopping inside the same size buildings. People are trying to do it safely, but no allowance is made for churches or for people holding funerals or weddings and the stress and upset that is causing, especially in the case of funerals. People are not given time to respect their loved ones. I urge the Minister to re-examine this.

I also support the call made earlier by a previous speaker for us to return to Leinster House. It is scandalous the amount of money that is being paid for us to stay in the Convention Centre Dublin each week, while the Dáil building is sitting idle for many days. The Seanad is only sitting for one day and a bit, and its Members do not want to upset themselves by coming down here. We certainly must be brought back to the Dáil in a safe manner. We all have offices and all of us can adhere to laws, rules and regulations if that is required. It would be a massive saving for the State and it must be considered.

I am a little surprised, and I have heard it often recently, by the new tactic on the part of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Green Party Deputies. They go on television and radio to condemn every legislative measure that comes before the House and then they come in and vote for it the next day. Everybody has to speak for himself or herself, but I heard Deputy McAuliffe of Fianna Fáil completely opposing what is proposed in the Bill on RTÉ Radio 1 when I was coming here today. I am scratching the back of my head because he is with the Government. Ultimately, he will still vote with the Government. I do not understand. Why are they talking out of two sides of the same mouth? It cannot be allowed to continue. The Minister needs to pull in his Deputies. It is not just on this issue, but on many issues. Senators and Deputies in my constituency in west Cork are condemning things. Then they come here and vote for the same thing they are condemning. I am a little surprised that those in the media give them the leverage to think they can spend as much time as they wish condemning Bills and motions they have brought in and fully supported in the House.

I am fully opposed to any further restrictions. The Government has consistently and deliberately stoked fear over the coronavirus while behaving like an authoritarian regime, relying on the tactics of a police state. The Government's handling of the pandemic has resulted in the State exercising coercive powers over its citizens on a scale never previously attempted. The ease with which people could be terrorised into surrendering basic freedoms, which are fundamental to our existence, is shocking. The Government now potentially wants to hold onto those powers for up to another eight months.

Since the onset of the pandemic, we have seen a loss of effective parliamentary scrutiny of emergency Covid powers, as many are made via the stroke of a pen and a statutory instrument. The emergency measures are the most significant interference with personal freedoms since this country declared its independence. We do not doubt the seriousness of the pandemic but we believe that history will look back on the measures taken to contain it as a monument to collective hysteria. Governments in Ireland hold power at the sufferance of the elected Chamber of the Legislature. Without that, we are no democracy. The present Government has a different approach. It seems to derive its legitimacy directly from the people, bypassing their elected representatives. We have seen that time and time again over the past 14 months.

The Rural Independent Group has been arguing for months that citizens should be treated as rational actors who are capable of taking decisions for themselves and managing personal risk. Our calls have been completely ignored. Powers under the original Public Health Act were not intended to authorise measures as drastic as those which have been imposed. Throughout the period, a combination of Government advice and Government-inspired pressure from regulators have been used to limit access to doctors and health services. This has had a serious impact on the diagnosis and early treatment of far more mortal diseases than Covid-19, notably cancer. By using propaganda, the Government has, to some extent, been capable of creating its own public opinion, with fear being deliberately stoked by the Government. The Irish public has not even begun to understand the seriousness of what is happening to our country. Many, perhaps most, of them do not care and will not care until it is too late. They instinctively feel that the end justifies the means, which is the motto of every totalitarian government there has ever been.

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