Holly Cairns (Cork South West, Social Democrats) | Oireachtas source

The past year has been incredibly hard for everyone. We are in limbo, unsure of when the pandemic will end and we can see loved ones again, and unsure of work. This has been an abnormal year for most of us, but it is normality for the thousands of people we keep in direct provision, where families are forced into limbo for years. Life events pass by, funerals are missed, children and grandchildren grow up and professionals deskill. A State that is unwilling to learn from its past continues to institutionalise vulnerable people and somehow devise new ways to erode their dignity. They are given meagre allowances, limited access to work, regimented diets and few cooking facilities, and cramped accommodation in isolated centres.

We all welcome and support the Minister's plans to end the system. The reality, however, is that we are still looking at years of families being trapped in direct provision. While they remain in this limbo, I have three points to bring to the Minister's attention. First, the difficulties of the Covid pandemic are exacerbated by a person's place in society. It is harder for disabled people, the elderly and asylum seekers. For instance, I have repeatedly brought up the impact of the ongoing restrictions in maternity hospitals. Those restrictions, and similar limitations on other medical appointments, are felt acutely by people in direct provision, many of whom do not have English as a first language and are unfamiliar with the Irish medical system. They often require translators and advocates but are denied them under the current measures. Residents of congregated settings are at greater risk, as we saw from the clusters of infections in nursing homes and direct provision centres. This is not surprising when it is considered that operators of centres are contracted per person, not by physical space, which incentivises cramped conditions. The Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth and the Department of Justice need to appreciate these realities and respond accordingly.

Second, there is a right to education in Ireland. Nominally, we have free education in this country, but we all know that is not the case. In fact, education is expensive, many families cannot afford it and many people cannot progress due to financial barriers. This reality is felt severely by asylum seekers. Every year, calls go out for school uniforms for children in direct provision, including coats, shoes and other basics that make an education possible. Textbooks are another large expenditure but it seems to be up to individual schools to waive the rental fee. We have a whole cohort of children who are only able to exercise their right to education because of the kindness of communities and school staff. The inequalities of access to further and higher education are even more pervasive. That ingrained inequality extends to people in direct provision who cannot afford to go to college. Very high fees and living costs, combined with few or no supports, exclude asylum seekers from the benefits of education. Again, some minor recent changes and a small number of grants from individual institutions are the only counterbalance to a system designed to keep them out.

Finally, there are numerous needless barriers that keep asylum seekers in limbo and prevent them from living dignified lives. The ban on obtaining a driver's licence is a clear example and is complete nonsense. It prevents asylum seekers from taking up employment opportunities. In rural areas, where many direct provision centres are located, a car is essential for work. In addition, because they are required to surrender their passport and cannot access driver's licences, asylum seekers have difficulties opening bank accounts. This financial exclusion forces them into the unregulated economy and low-paid, cash-in-hand jobs. These are the impacts of a draconian, callous system. We know the default status for the State is to provide the bare minimum but, in this case, it is intentionally discriminating against non-EU persons. It is part of a mindset that creates barriers and hurdles to deter people. It is evidence of an antiquated and worrying understanding of the realities of migration and asylum.

These are just three issues from a long list of issues affecting people in direct provision. Others include the difficulties of women experiencing period poverty and issues with the quality of food in centres that have their own shops. Over the past 20 years, 60,000 people have spent years in direct provision and more than €1 billion has been given to private companies to run the system. The Minister is working to end direct provision. As the thousands of asylum seekers wait in limbo for that to happen, will he act now to address the issues I have raised, of which I am sure he is aware and which he can resolve?

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