Dáil debates

Wednesday, 21 April 2021

Climate Action and Low Carbon Development (Amendment) Bill 2021: Second Stage (Resumed)

 

5:50 pm

Photo of Matt ShanahanMatt Shanahan (Waterford, Independent) | Oireachtas source

The Bill proposed by the Government seeks to chart Ireland's transition to climate neutrality by 2050. It will provide for future five-yearly carbon budgets and sectoral emissions ceilings and shape and frame the future economic and social prosperity of our country.

Global warming is now an accepted reality. All countries have a part to play in addressing climate change. Some developing countries, in particular those with increasing populations, are driving significant carbon generation and will do so for years to come.

Ireland's performance in reducing greenhouse gas emissions has been suboptimal. The aspirations of the proposed legislation are clearly set, but providing for them in the real world and in the context of real life activity will place a significant strain on many components and sectors of our economy and population.

A large part of what has been discussed in terms of an Irish climate change strategy appears to be easier to specify rather than implement. Having 1 million electric cars by 2030 does not seem possible given the difficulties in manufacturing and the charging networks required. There are aspirations to change our diesel and heavy goods vehicles for other forms of fuel such as natural gas or hydrogen systems which underperform in many areas. This is also true for shipping. Remodelling and retrofitting houses and heat generation systems are complex and costly exercises. How can this be achieved successfully without significant grant support? This is unclear.

With respect to the public sector adoption of climate mitigation strategies, as someone who was involved in marketing energy reducing systems for public and Government buildings, I have seen first hand how difficult adoption was to achieve without monetary resources. This brings me to a number of problem areas and how they are to be progressed. One is carbon sequestering versus carbon reduction. Another is Ireland's continued intention to build data centres, which will use up much of the renewable resources we are contemplating developing.

How will underperformance in each of the five-year reduction plans, in particular in sectors such as energy, be compensated for in the next budget cycle? I have concerns that the undershooting of targets in these areas will leave the agricultural sector as the one that will suffer most in trying to recoup lost ground. I acknowledge that the national herd of cattle and sheep is a significant driver of biogenic methane. Unlike other countries, however, the Bill does not separate targets for biogenic methane versus CO2 production in the climate change strategy. This could mean that where agreed sectoral caps are missed, such as in energy, for example, other sectors could be targeted for further savings, such as agriculture or a reduction in the size of the national herd. This could see Ireland cutting beef production while the European Community imports beef from Brazil, which would involve a greenhouse gas impact up to 20 times higher. How can this make sense as a climate mitigation strategy?

Under the Bill, it appears that the Oireachtas can only accept or reject the overall greenhouse gas reduction targets in each of the five-year budgetary plans. When the Dáil decides to reject an annual overall target, the Minister of the day is free to return to the House within a number of weeks and propose whatever sectoral caps he or she wishes without further approval or sanction of the House. This presents a significant danger in terms of democracy and a democratic mandate, and in protecting the national agricultural component from the failures of other sectors to achieve stated goals. This democratic deficit is something I would like to see amended in the final legislation.

Although climate change is a fact and, without doubt, we need ambitious targets to achieve carbon neutrality in the future, we cannot achieve it without a feasible and just transition policy. We cannot seek to implement national carbon reductions while eviscerating the livelihoods of significant population who live in regional and rural Ireland. We are not the same as our European neighbours. We have fewer densely populated areas. We live in lower density housing and often require private transport to access work. These are the facts of life in this country. We need policies that reflect this reality.

We have started an honest conversation on climate change, but we must also be honest in attributing reduction objectives to differing sectors. We need radical management change in our public sector organisations with respect to emissions profiling and saving. We need adequate fiscal and budgetary supports to achieve change targets by our population and industrial, public and community sectors. Whether the national drive to address climate change is powered by hydrogen, oxygen or sunlight, reduction targets must be implemented fairly across sectors and across the national population. This may ensure that we are all in this together.

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