Dáil debates

Wednesday, 24 February 2021

New Decade, New Approach Agreement: Statements

 

2:20 pm

Photo of Mary Lou McDonaldMary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

Just over a year ago, the Northern Ireland Executive and the political institutions were restored following negotiations and the publication of the New Decade, New Approach agreement. Leis seo, bhí deis ann ré nua a chruthú don Rialtas sa Tuaisceart, a bhí bunaithe ar chomhionannas, freagracht agus dílseacht do chomhroinnt chumhachta a bhí fíor agus fadtéarmach. Chomh maith le muinín a atógáil, bhí dúshlán mór ann don Fheidhmeannas mar gheall ar an bpandéim agus an Bhreatimeacht.

Despite these massive pressures, Ministers have shown that things can be done very differently to what has come before. Ministers have shown that locally-based public representatives are best placed to deliver for communities. This has been demonstrated time and again, particularly in the Executive’s co-ordination and support of the community response to Covid-19, the delivery of robust financial supports for businesses, workers and families and the roll-out of the vaccination programme.

Major progress has been made in making the Executive work for the people. There is great potential to build on the advancements of the past 12 months that have often been drowned out by the din of Brexit. However, we are clearly in a turbulent period. The post-Brexit environment was always going to be volatile. This is seen in the reckless attempts by the DUP and Tory Brexiteers to undermine the Irish protocol. The DUP’s legal challenge is dangerous, and goes against the clear interests of workers, business and communities. Arlene Foster should turn away from this course and refocus on working with all parties in government to shape a better future for all. It is a time for cool heads, calm leadership and real partnership.

I welcome that the Government has been proactive on this issue. The achievement of the protocol shows what can be done when the Oireachtas follows a unified approach on matters of national interest. Creidim go bhfuil sé fíorthábhachtach go bhfuil cur chuige aontaithe ón Oireachtas maidir leis an gcomhaontú. We all want to see a government in the North that delivers for every citizen. The day of resistance to equality, change and real power sharing must be consigned to history. People want and are entitled to much better. An all-Oireachtas approach could make a significant difference in ensuring that the future of the North is one shaped by co-operation, trust and the fulfilment of agreements made.

That will require real engagement by the Taoiseach and it means the Government holding the British Government to account for its failure to honour its agreements.

Making agreements is important but keeping agreements is even more so. Progress always relies on the making, keeping and implementation of agreements. For far too long, the British Government has flouted many of its obligations under the agreements it has made in respect of Ireland. Such flagrant disregard demonstrated by the British Government for agreements has been the single greatest obstacle to reconciling the past, achieving progress and charting a better future for the island. It is time for the Government to put it up to Boris Johnson. Now is the time for Downing Street to leave behind the policy of dodging its agreements, see the bigger picture and realise that failure to honour its commitments jeopardises a real opportunity to deliver.

Nowhere is this urgency more required than in the need finally to implement the Stormont House Agreement of 2014. The British Government committed to implementing that agreement within the first 100 days of the New Decade, New Approach agreement. Not only has it reneged on that commitment but in the spring of last year, it made a huge political and policy departure away from the implementation of the Stormont House Agreement. It is very clear that the proposals by the Tories last April were designed to undermine the legal mechanisms already agreed by the British Government, the Government and political parties in the agreement. That cannot go unchecked and unchallenged because the Stormont House Agreement is central and essential to dealing with the legacy of the past. It ensures that all victims of the conflict have access to agreed mechanisms for delivering truth and justice. The undermining and obstruction of those mechanisms is wrong and it is disrespectful to families and communities that have waited for decades. The British Government's resisting of the mechanisms and its citing of bogus national security concerns flies in the face of the task of dealing with the legacy of conflict. Instead of showing leadership, Downing Street continues to cover up for the actions of British state agents, the British Army, the police and the political establishment. This is unacceptable and it must now be confronted strongly.

The need to deal with the past cannot be separated from the imperative of making politics work today. The damage done to public confidence in policing by the absence of parity so amply demonstrated by the PSNI in recent weeks is a testament to that reality. People who have lost loved ones have waited too long for the British Government to get its act together, respect them and embrace the work of reconciliation. There is a pressing need to ensure that the legacy mechanisms of the Stormont House Agreement are now implemented fully and in a human rights-compliant way.

There also needs to be progress on legislation for the protection of Irish language. This is an important part of the Good Friday Agreement and was provided for under the St. Andrews Agreement 15 years ago. The official recognition of the Irish language in the North, as agreed by the parties, will represent a historic step, both practically for Irish speakers and symbolically in terms of parity of esteem for both traditions. It is important that this opportunity is seized and built upon. The enactment of Acht na Gaeilge is crucial to realising a society that is truly inclusive and progressive. Chuir glúin de chainteoirí Gaeilge in iúl dúinn an mhian atá acu Acht na Gaeilge a chur i gcrích tríd an bhfeachtas, Dearg le Fearg. Caithfear anois freagra a thabhairt dóibh. Irish language rights do not threaten or diminish anybody. This is an issue of respect, recognition and rights.

The British Government must also step up to the plate in delivering agreed funding for cross-Border projects. I recognise and acknowledge that the Government has committed €500 million in the budget for cross-Border infrastructure projects that will benefit the whole island. We need to see the British Government deliver its financial commitments of £140 million, on which Brandon Lewis continues to drag his heels. Tá deis ann don chomhaontú a bheith ina ré nua do Rialtas láidir ó Thuaidh.

By embracing a partnership approach and implementing outstanding agreements, we can make politics work. We can shape an environment in which conversations about the future happen in a spirit of respect and with our eyes firmly set on realising the extraordinary potential of our island. This is particularly important as we move towards a century of partition. Partition resulted in profound political, social and economic damage both North and South. It created two reactionary states and stifled the potential of all our people. Now is the time to look to the future with real ambition and to step even further beyond the work of the Taoiseach's shared island unit to shape an Ireland that will fulfil the promise left unfulfilled to many previous generations. As a united Irelander, that future, to me, is one of Irish unity. Others will have come from different perspectives and have different views. Let us have those conversations and debates. Let us prepare for change together as an Oireachtas unified in common aspiration for our island. History will not judge kindly those who choose to ignore the winds of change that now blow at full force all around us.

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