Alan Kelly (Tipperary, Labour) | Oireachtas source

Before I start my contribution, I want to put on the record of the Dáil that I, along with many others, think that the leaking of this report caused an awful lot of hurt and distress and should not have happened. I would like the Government - and indeed all governments - to think about this. It is not the first time that this has happened. The Scally report into the CervicalCheck programme was also leaked. Both of these reports dealt with sensitive issues predominantly relating to women. These reports should not have been leaked. It has caused undue hurt.

I wrote to the Taoiseach to stating that I would have preferred the Government to consult with all of the survivors' groups, the families and the victims, regarding when this apology would be made and the contents of it. The Government has made its decision and this is an important day. However, I would have thought that would have been the best way to deal with the apology.

The report of the mother and baby homes investigation tells the tale of an Ireland that we have left behind, yet it is not in our distant past. Reading the report, one would think that it details events of a long time ago, but it does not. The last mother and baby home shut its doors in 1998, which was 23 years ago. I am sure that there are young people in their 20s who are watching this debate, who will find it hard to get their heads around the fact that they were born into an Ireland that still cruelly locked women away behind the high walls of such institutions. Although diminished, in 1998 there were still some perceptions in society regarding unmarried and single mothers remained that in some way there was something to be ashamed of. It may seem as though 1998 is like a long way from the Ireland of the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s, that was so inherently anti-women in its culture and laws, but it is not that long ago at all. Each and every one of us knows many people who have been adversely affected by the shameful actions of our State, institutions, and politicians. All of us who serve in public life should apologise for our predecessors, and for the fact that the Legitimacy Act was passed by the Dáil in 1931. That it was the law of the land is horrendous. All of the political entities that served in governments should apologise for allowing this to happen. When this State was founded and within the first few years of its inception, there were warnings about the mortality rate in these homes and institutions. Nothing was done, a blind eye was turned, and it continued for another 60 years. Politically, we are all at fault. The State is at fault; we are at fault; institutions are at fault. The women, children and their families share no blame at all. The institutions and the Catholic Church have an awful lot to answer for. We must continue to look at the relationship between the State and religious institutions.

Over the coming days we will hear much about the women who were forced into these homes, but not much about the men involved. These women who ended up in the mother and baby homes did not end up there on their own. Many were raped and some were the victims of incest. Some of the babies were very much wanted and were born out of wedlock to couples who were very much in love, but our society at the time did not approve of this love. Many women were put into these institutions to uphold the reputation of men of a more privileged class and to hide their societal embarrassment. Our society went along with this and it is our collective shame.

We all remember as clear as day the finding of remains at a former mother and baby home in Tuam following the tireless work of Catherine Corless, who is a hero to this nation. The publication of this report is another step in the uncomfortable process of confronting the hidden shame of our nation. It must be noted that the report only concerns 14 institutions and homes. The Clann Project is correct that we must go much deeper. The hidden lives of women who were subjected to devastating neglect and abuse were shamed for their so-called "sins". For too long, people were determined to keep these stories hidden, but now that these stories are out there, they will hopefully bring some solace.

The Labour Party has long believed that it would be wrong to suggest that the publication of this report will be part of a healing process, because it has come too late for many of the women and children involved. There was no chance at life for the children who needlessly died in infancy, like Anne, the young baby who died in 1968 in Séan Ross Abbey, Roscrea, very close to where I am from. She was the daughter of a friend of mine. For others who left the homes and died before the State embarked on this process, there has been no acknowledgement of their suffering to date. We cannot bring them back. Nonetheless, I hope this report will serve to belatedly put some of the truth on the record. We are past the capacity to put all of it on the record, but we must to everything that we can.

More than 1,000 survivors bravely gave their testimonies to the commission. It has not been an easy process for them but their determination to open society's eyes to what happened behind the high walls of these institutions deserves a serious amount of gratitude from us all. Careful consideration and reflection must be given to this 3,000-page report and 57,000 children passed through the 14 homes featured in the report. Some survivors groups, including the Coalition of Mother and Baby Home Survivors, have expressed disappointment with what they see as the incompleteness of the report, which does not engage with the more expansive issue of State-sponsored, forced or coerced separation of mothers and babies. The Labour Party joins the call of the Irish Council for Civil Liberties for a separate investigation to examine the entire system of secret adoption and family separation, to add to our knowledge about this shameful history and to build on the findings made in today's report about the 14 mother and baby homes under investigation. We should also talk openly about the children who were sold into slavery as domestic servants and farm labourers, because that is what happened - they were sold into slavery.

Regarding the 14 pages of recommendations in the report, there is an evident and pressing need for the Government to develop a clear and achievable timeline for the implementation of an information and tracing Bill. I am concerned about this. We cannot wait until the end of the year for this legislation. We have bailed out banks and we have passed Covid legislation. I am not sure that we actually need this legislation, but I do not have time to get into that today. If we do, it should be prioritised in the coming weeks. We will all work with the Minister to ensure that it is brought through the House as quickly as possible.

Following the passage of the Commission of Investigation (Mother and Baby Homes and certain related Matters) Records, and another Matter Act 2020, the Labour Party called for increased supports for survivors and adopted people. Once sufficient time has been given to considering the contents of this report, we must return to that critical matter without delay.

Writing about her experience in a mother and baby home and life after it in theIrish Independent this week, my colleague, and former Tánaiste, Joan Burton said that robust adoption tracing legislation must be a key priority. She said:

As a politician it has been my privilege and responsibility to be a campaigner for key social changes in Ireland — divorce, marriage equality, and the repeal of the Eighth Amendment. But the right of adopted people to their own information has never been conceded. It is amazing that this legacy remains in an era of so much progressive change. I do hope that the commission will address this astonishing omission.

This issue needs to be dealt with. Joan Burton is a former Tánaiste and her backstory is incredible.

We also need to ensure that all archives relating to social services provided by the religious institutions are nationalised. That is a very important point. They provided a service in lieu of the State. We need to nationalise all of their archives in order that everything can be preserved. In regard to redress, we cannot undo what happened before. We need to ensure, this time around, that the religious institutions make their contribution to redress for the families and women affected. Once they agree to that, or when they are made to agree, if they do not make their contribution, we will pass legislation - I will draft it myself - to enable us to take their assets and ensure they make that contribution. We cannot go through what happened in this country before in terms of the institutions not making their contribution.

This week is just another part of a much-needed conversation on a dark part of our nation's history. I am sure it will not be the last time we discuss issues like this. The survivors need time to grapple with the recommendations. They need a huge amount of time. Some of them have not had the capacity or the will to look at the recommendations yet. Those who have shone a light on the darkness that is associated with this period in our history, such as Catherine Corless and others, all need time to look at this report.

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