Peadar Tóibín (Meath West, Aontú) | Oireachtas source

The threat of a no-deal Brexit cannot be overstated. The Central Bank has stated that a no-deal Brexit could cost Ireland over 100,000 jobs. Under a no-deal Brexit, the cost of food and other products in Ireland could jump massively. The executive director of the Northern Ireland Food and Drink Association stated that 60% of flour exports from two mills in Belfast could be subject to €172 per tonne. Fisheries would lose up to 5,000 jobs. In a no-deal Brexit, the €5 billion of Irish agrifood exports to Britain would be in serious jeopardy. The list goes on, the aforementioned being the tip of the iceberg.

Beyond the economic cost, there is the major cost to the Six Counties of the North of Ireland. I listened to the speech from Deputy Cian O'Callaghan a couple of minutes ago in which he spoke about the Achilles heel of Ireland in the Brexit situation. The truth of the matter is the Achilles heel of Ireland's national interest is the fact that the Tory Government in London still has a radical influence over the direction of this country. The Tories in London still determine whether or not we can trade North-South, whether we can move people North-South and whether we can act as an economic unit. The Tories do not get a vote on the island of Ireland. They have no interests in Ireland and they know nothing about it yet they determine our future and our self-interest. As long as this continues, there is a weakness and an exposure with regard to Irish policy.

One of the issues that has frustrated members of Aontú over the last while is the fact that the Government has been weak in its approach to Britain. There is no doubt in my mind that Ireland's diplomatic approach, which is softly, softly and very quiet, may work with other European countries but it certainly does not work with Britain because Britain is an outlier. Britain does not fulfil its word. It has admitted that it has broken international law and yet it is the European Union that has done the running with regard to standing up for Ireland. I have stated that it is a welcome decision of the European Union to take the British to a European court for its breaking of international law. That was a positive and strong thing for the European Union to do. However, I cannot understand why the Irish Government is so reticent to play hardball with the British because in fairness it is dealing with a country that is playing hardball with Europe. It is a negotiation policy of the British to hold a gun to the head of the European Union with regard to the internal market Bill. As a result, the Irish Government needs to step up to the plate with regard to its response.

One of the most important documents ever written on the island of Ireland is the Good Friday Agreement. It brought about a peace that many of my generation at that time did not think was possible. It is central to the development of the country, especially to the unitary state that I would like to see some sunny day. The truth of the matter is it is being radically abused by the British Government. Until very recently there was very little response from the Irish Government in that regard. The last time I spoke on this matter I urged the Tánaiste to go to the United States and ask the special envoy to Ireland to visit the international capitals and impress upon them the necessity for them to stand up for international law and to renege on any prospect of a trade agreement with Britain until it fulfils its international obligations. I am glad to see some of that has happened in recent times, but there is far more that could be done by the Irish Government in that regard.

What is the Good Friday Agreement worth to us as a country? How important is it? Is it important enough for Ireland to threaten diplomatic relations between Ireland and Britain? My instinct is that an international agreement of the importance of the Good Friday Agreement is so valuable that it would be a natural response from any government around the world in such a situation literally to threaten the aggressive behaviour of the other country, in this case Britain, with all of the tools available to it. I would have liked to have seen Ireland take a legal case, if it were possible, against Britain for the steps it has taken. I would have liked to have seen the Irish Government demand British diplomats attend Government Buildings and told in no uncertain terms that if Britain proceeds along this route of breaking international law, damaging the Good Friday Agreement, damaging peace and of potentially creating a hard border on the island of Ireland, diplomatic relations will be strained radically as a result. I would threaten that if Britain proceeds down that route Ireland would break diplomatic relations with it. Some people might say that is an extreme step to take but if the Good Friday Agreement is as important as all of that to us then there comes a time when Government has to take strong measures. Thus far, we have remained behind the apron of the European Union. The European Union has taken the strong measures. I know from talking to people within the British political establishment that the legal case brought against Britain by the European Union has woken up many of the backbenchers, in particular in the Tory party, to just how severely the British have overstepped the mark on this. Often times change in the Tory party is generated by backbenchers standing up against the Front Bench.

If anything, the particular aggressive nature of the British in the negotiations that have happened needs to be matched by the Irish Government. The British need to be told in no uncertain terms that we will not accept in any way any damage to the Good Friday Agreement or any damage to the unitary development of our State.

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