John Brady (Wicklow, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

The course that has emerged in the last month around Brexit has been dominated by the intent of the British Government literally to tear up the international treaty that is the withdrawal agreement. That this is a legally binding treaty, endorsed by the EU Parliament and the House of Commons matters nothing to the high Tories of the Johnson Government. The agreement, drawn up between the EU and the British Government, represented a compromise on both sides. No matter how he chooses to describe it now, make no mistake, this is Boris Johnson's agreement. The signing of the agreement was described by Prime Minister Boris Johnson as a "fantastic" moment, he boasted that it was "oven-ready", and he said that he believed it was an agreement that formed the basis for a future trade deal. Should we be surprised? One Minister of this British Government previously stated, in quite an appalling manner during earlier negotiations on Brexit, that she believed the British could starve the Irish people into submission with food shortages. Obviously, the Minister of State, Deputy Thomas Byrne, did not get the memo on the perfidious nature of British negotiating tactics on Brexit when he tweeted as recently as 7 September that "Ireland has always accepted the good faith of Britain in #Brexit negotiations." Meanwhile, Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Brandon Lewis, told the House of Commons that the internal markets Bill would break international law but in "a very specific and limited way". Our Government colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Thomas Byrne, has claimed that "I believe Britain will comply with its obligations under the Withdrawal Agreement in the same way it has always respected its international Treaty obligations". The British Government and Boris Johnson could not be more explicit about their intent. The international community is very clear in its understanding of British intent and the potential disaster it threatens. The Speaker of the US House of Representatives, Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi, took the opportunity of the visit of British Government Minister Dominic Raab to the United States of America on 16 September, to school the British on the implications of their actions, when she told Mr. Raab that "If the UK violates that international treaty and Brexit undermines the Good Friday accord, there will be absolutely no chance of a US-UK trade agreement passing the Congress." The chairman of the powerful ways and means committee, Congressman Richard Neal, has echoed these concerns. A bipartisan letter was also sent to Boris Johnson ruling out a post-Brexit trade deal if the Good Friday Agreement is in any way undermined.

The EU negotiating team, led by Michel Barnier, and the EU Parliament, have been steadfast in their support for the Irish protocol. The Vice President of the EU Commission has said "if the Bill were to be adopted, it would constitute an extremely serious violation of the Withdrawal Agreement and of international law." In comparison, I believe the response of the Irish Government has been weak and wanting. This was illustrated by the Taoiseach's equivocation over whether or not to pick up the phone to Boris Johnson to tell him, in no uncertain terms, the Irish position on his disregard for the Irish protocol and the utter contempt he has shown towards the Good Friday Agreement. I put it to the Minister, Deputy Coveney, that the Government needs to be stronger in defence of the Good Friday Agreement.

There are major concerns over the preparedness of the Irish economy for a potential no-deal Brexit. British MP Michael Gove has claimed in the last few days that there is potential for huge delays at ports across Britain. He has claimed that in a "reasonable worst-case scenario" between 30% and 50% of trucks crossing the English Channel will not be ready. This would lead to potentially more than 7,000 trucks backed up, bumper to bumper. RTÉ previously illustrated the potential for a traffic jam at Dover that would represent the equivalent of traffic being backed up from Dublin all the way to Waterford. Mr. Gove has further claimed that imports and exports could be affected for up to three months as the situation could worsen considerably if there are any Covid-19 outbreaks among customs staff. All of this is bad enough, but if Michael Gove describes it as a "reasonable worst-case scenario", then God help us when it becomes a reality.

In Ireland we face the potential of increased costs in supermarkets and the potential of Irish goods being supplanted in Britain by cheaper, inferior imports. I put it to the Minister that we need to prepare Irish businesses and we need to be on an emergency footing. The combined effects of Brexit and the Covid crisis represent unprecedented challenges and they demand unprecedented action. Brexit will come into being on 1 January 2021 at the end of the transition period, with or without a deal between Britain and the EU. The Minister, Deputy Coveney, is on record as recently as last week stating, alone amongst his EU counterparts, that the British want to do a deal.

We can only hope that he is right on that one. Regardless of whether a deal is struck, this will come to be seen as an horrific and misguided political decision that will haunt the British political classes into the future. It is the democratic right of the people of England to make that choice but what the British Government does not have is the right to impose that decision on the people of Scotland and the people in the North of Ireland who voted to reject Brexit in its entirety. The internal market Bill, which has been condemned by five former British Prime Ministers, including Theresa May who said that she will vote against it, bestows upon the British Government the unilateral power to impose its own rules on the devolved assemblies in Stormont and in Scotland. It gives the British Government the power to force the Northern Ireland Assembly to accept lower environmental, food safety and animal welfare standards. The Bill will also undermine the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement and sideline areas of North-South co-operation and co-ordination.

A no-deal Brexit, which, despite the Minister's opinion, is looking more likely, raises the spectre of a hard border in Ireland. What the British want to achieve is a situation where having left the EU, they continue to enjoy all of the advantages that membership brings while positioning themselves to reap an unfair trading advantage over EU states through unfettered access to EU markets without any cost or responsibility. However, it is the assault on the Irish protocol that is the most worrying issue. The Irish protocol, which the British Government signed up to in the withdrawal agreement, despite its grievances, is designed to protect the Good Friday Agreement and the all-island economy, prevent a hard border and preserve the integrity of the Single Market. The protocol is part of an international agreement and is not dependent on any future agreement that may be reached between the EU and the Johnson government. It places the North under EU law regarding state aid which has the potential to reach across to Britain in given circumstances. This is anathema to the Tories and they are determined to get rid of it. To do this, they are prepared to wreck internationally binding agreements, to deliberately and provocatively break the rule of law and recklessly endanger peace and stability on the island of Ireland. Conversely, the EU wants to protect the Good Friday Agreement through the Irish protocol and to protect member states from British predatory trading practices by insisting on the creation of a level playing field.

The British have also signalled their intention to reduce the influence and authority of the Human Rights Act, which became British law in 1998 and underpins the human rights components of the Good Friday Agreement. The Act has long been a target of the Conservatives who, under Theresa May, planned to scrap it entirely. The British have failed to honour other areas of the Agreement. There is no civic forum in the North, no all-Ireland civic forum, no bill of rights for the North, no joint North-South committee of the two human rights commissions and no all-Ireland charter of rights.

The only long-term solution to the problem of Brexit and British misrule in Ireland is Irish unity. A united Ireland is the only viable and logical solution. Ireland needs to start planning now for that eventuality. We need cross-party consensus in this Dáil on the Irish stance on Brexit. Time must be set aside by the Government next week to bring forward a cross-party motion on Brexit. The Seanad and the Assembly in the North have both passed motions and it is imperative that the Dáil does so too. Ireland needs to send a strong message to Boris Johnson. A message needs to come from this Dáil to the British Government and the international community that the island of Ireland is united. This island is absolutely and unequivocally opposed to Brexit, to the United Kingdom internal market Bill and the serious economic, social and political implications for the citizens of Ireland, North and South. Let us bring forward a motion that enjoys the support of all parties in Leinster House and all Deputies in this Dáil. Let us stand together and send a clear message to Boris Johnson that we as a people will not stand for the duplicity, folly and disregard shown by the British Government to the island of Ireland, the EU and the international community who stand in support of the Irish peace process. I urge the Minister to set aside time in the next week so that we can work together, set aside our political differences, unite on this and agree a cross-party motion that sends a clear, united message to Boris Johnson and the British Government on Brexit and the defence of the Good Friday Agreement.

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