Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

I begin by joining with the Taoiseach and Deputies who earlier today led tributes to Detective Garda Colm Horkan in expressing our deepest sympathies to his family, friends and wider community. In the days since his murder, people throughout our country have taken the time to show their respect for him and for the forces of law and order which protect us. All who knew Detective Garda Horkan have spoken of a good and decent man, a man rooted in his community and a man rooted in the joy of sport. He was deeply proud to serve in the uniform of this free Republic. His terrible murder has reminded us all once again of the dangers faced by members of An Garda Síochána as they go about their duties. It challenges us all never to take them for granted. Ar dheis Dé go raibh a anam dílis.

Before I move on to the specific issues arising out of last week's virtual summit, I would like to mention Ireland's success in being elected to a place on the Security Council of the United Nations. This is the fourth time we have been chosen by the other members of the United Nations to serve on the council. It was an impressive and comprehensive campaign for which everybody involved deserves congratulations. Fundamentally, as has been the case each time we have received this recognition, the foundation of our success rests on the incredible work of the men and women of Óglaigh na hÉireann and our diplomatic service. Over many years, they have shown unmatched bravery and dedication in the promotion of the visionary and humanitarian ideals on which the United Nations was founded. Eighty-six members of Óglaigh na hÉireann have lost their lives while serving on United Nations missions and every country that belongs to the UN knows of their heroism. It is right that we remember and honour them for the high international standing they have given to our country. Equally, we should acknowledge that our diplomats have an outstanding reputation for their ability to work tirelessly with others to bridge gaps and serve shared interests.

Our record of being an active and positive member of the United Nations was established within a few years of our becoming members in 1955. Whenever the UN has looked for countries willing to promote peace and to fight famine and poverty, Ireland has always responded quickly. During Frank Aiken's time as Minister for External Affairs and during our first membership of the Security Council, Ireland took a leadership role on vital issues such as nuclear non-proliferation and the test ban treaty. This engagement has continued over the years, including in our work on the ban on cluster munitions, which we negotiated in 2008 in an agreement that was concluded at a summit held in Croke Park. This tradition of positive diplomacy and promoting true multilateral co-operation must be as important to our work in our two years on the Security Council as it has been during our entire membership of the United Nations. At a moment in history when human rights are once again under threat throughout the world and the need for co-operation and respect has never been clearer, an effective United Nations is desperately needed. Ireland must do everything it can to make a positive difference in that regard.

Last week's virtual European Council summit was never likely to reach agreement on the core issues on its agenda. However, it does appear that there is substantive engagement and that progress is possible next month. The proposals for a major new recovery instrument to help members of the European Union are very welcome. Twelve years after the absence of a larger fiscal capacity was exposed as a major flaw in the design of the economic and monetary union, there are finally concrete proposals to create new funding programmes. Over the past eight years and during the recent election, Fianna Fáil has consistently supported calls for increasing the Union's ability to actively support economic recovery, the transition to a low-carbon economy and new opportunities for those being left behind, particularly because of technology. President Macron's speech three years ago calling for a transformation in the Union's ability to deliver collective action was, unfortunately, resisted by many countries. That it took an unprecedented pandemic to shift the debate is a sign of the implacable opposition which these necessary developments have faced. What is being proposed deserves much greater attention in public debate because it is a significant step towards delivering a European Union that can become a more active enabler of urgent change.

The Commission's initial proposal is to combine effectively the standard multi-annual budget with new funding, which will be a combination of grants and low-cost, long-term loans. At least initially, this new funding is due to help countries worst hit by the pandemic and the recession it has caused. In comparison with the agenda as it stood as recently as February, this represents a radical change.

Chancellor Merkel's support has once again shown her capacity for brave and ambitious decision-making, while President Macron's continued passionate advocacy for a Europe strong enough to take on the challenges of today has persuaded many former opponents of change.

My party welcomes Ireland's decision to support the new recovery instrument in principle. It marks a move away from the position of last year and marks an important change of direction in our policy. The proposal as it stands has serious problems. Much more work appears to have gone into the financial engineering behind it than ensuring a fair and effective allocation of funding. If the first priority is to support sustainable recovery where the pandemic has had the worst impact, it seems foolish to try to decide allocation before the impact of the pandemic is fully understood. Data published yesterday in France were very encouraging, but it is completely uncertain what the medium or long-term impact will be. This is particularly true of economies where tourism is a major industry.

Before the current budget negotiations began, it was agreed that measures must be taken to ensure we end the practice of governments taking European Union funding yet aggressively undermining the liberal democratic principle to which every member state signed up when joining. It would be unacceptable for this new recovery instrument to be distributed without regard for respect for the rule of law, media freedom, and the agreed sustainability objectives of the Union. In the context of the seven-year budget, the continued attempt to take money away from certain areas to create space for others must be resisted. The only reason there is pressure on the Common Agricultural Policy is an ongoing zero-sum approach to negotiations. The move towards a CAP which encourages diversity of supply, rural development, and environmental sustainability can only be achieved if the budget is protected.

The lack of a dedicated Brexit transition support programme is a concern. The proposals to raise more dedicated revenue for the Union is something we support in principle. However, there are real limits to what is acceptable. Under no circumstances should the need for these revenue options be mixed with the entirely separate and questionable search for harmonisation. Any serious attempt to attach different agendas to the recovery instrument will undermine its legitimacy and delay agreement.

With regard to Brexit, the lack of progress on trade negotiation is a major concern. The position of the London Government has not inspired hope that we can avoid major economic disruption in January. At the very least, it does not appear to be accepting the proposals made last year as the basis for a permanent agreement. There is no positive purpose to be served by spending time now questioning its motivation and tactics. What we can do is to state once again that the core principles adopted by the European Union are founded on the perfectly reasonable basis that one does not get to pick and choose which elements of the Single Market one respects.

Now that the blockade of the Northern Ireland Assembly has been ended, the representatives of the people of Northern Ireland have been loud and clear in calling for London to respect their wish for enough time and space to be allowed for negotiations. They quite rightly object to arbitrary limits on the transition being imposed by London. In terms of our preparation for Brexit, the situation in January was that we were not ready for a possible WTO trading relationship with Britain. In tandem with support for recovery from the impact of the pandemic, we need an urgent programme for making sure that, at the end of this year, Irish companies are ready and supported to survive whatever happens once the transition ends.

This is a moment for the leaders of Europe to act decisively. We face historic challenges. We must help our economies and societies to recover. We must chart a new direction in the years ahead which delivers transformational change for our environment and economies. We must show that free democracies can survive and succeed, even when facing the most extreme pressures. This was not a decisive summit, but it was part of a new direction which Ireland must play a central role in supporting.

Léiríonn sé an treo ina rachaidh an Comhphobal sa todhchaí. Ní neart go cur le chéile. Caithfidh baill an Aontais Eorpaigh teacht le chéile go láidir ionas go mbeimid in ann déileáil leis an ngéarchéim seo de dheasca Covid-19. Is léir go bhfuil agus go mbeidh drochthionchar ag Covid-19 ar chúrsaí eacnamaíochta agus ar chúrsaí sóisialta na hEorpa. Comhobair is ea an tslí is fearr chun na fadhbanna a bhaineann le Covid-19 a réiteach.

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