Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

This week's Council meeting is not due to involve any major action on the range of short- and long-term issues of concern to the European Union as a whole. This is disappointing given that this is the moment when the leadership of the Union has been transferred to new hands for the next five years. Fianna Fáil wishes the new Presidents of the Council and the Commission well in their work. We understand that the transition to a new Commission has been delayed but we hope the new year will see a clearer picture of what they are proposing in terms of reform and action on urgent priorities.

Over quite a few years my party has sought a much deeper engagement with European Union reform in the Dáil and in public debate. We have been very specific in setting out an approach which would lead Ireland to become a leader in reform and a country which understands that either critical weaknesses need to be addressed or Europe will continue in a cycle of division and crises. Unfortunately, the Government's approach has been very different, and it appears now to be Fine Gael's policy to try to import ridiculous rhetoric and political attacks from elsewhere into our politics.

The year 2020 is likely to be defining in the future of the European Union. There will be decisions about the future of the budget, relations with the United Kingdom, enforcement of fundamental democratic values within the Union, the ability to fight economic downturns, the capacity of critical elements of monetary union and Europe's place in a world of increasing attacks on free democracy. We believe it is long since time for Ireland to contribute in a meaningful way to these debates and to put aside the complacent and at times damaging strategy of the Government. While the anti-Europeans of the left and the right like to blame the European Union for as much as possible, what they never admit is that the Union has repeatedly been denied the capacity to help regions and countries when they are most in need. A budget which is limited to at or below 1% of combined national incomes is simply not credible as a force for shared growth and prosperity. In fact, this incredibly low figure forces the Union into zero-sum fights which are destructive and which alienate many communities.

In the discussions about the multi-annual financial framework we are basically discussing whether or not the European Union will be allowed to do the work for which it has been given responsibility. However, because of the position of some states, including, unfortunately, our Government, we see different camps arguing about programmes which are each fundamental. In particular, support for rural communities and farm families should not be under this scale of pressure, and it is surprising that the Government does not appear to see the link between the fights on the Common Agricultural Policy and cohesion funding and its own position of opposing an increased budget. Similarly, there is simply no way that the vital objectives set for the Union in the areas of innovation and climate can be met by the budget as proposed.

Related to this is the issue of creating a new fiscal capacity in the eurozone to assist countries and regions at times of serious pressure. President Macron's proposal in this regard was proportionate and reflected one of the core lessons as to why the financial crisis became a deep economic crisis in much of the eurozone. Ireland's position as part of the core group which frustrated and finally effectively neutered the new eurozone fund was a disgrace. The House will remember that when this was revealed, the Taoiseach first claimed not to have read the article which exposed Ireland's position, using his now typical line of denying media reports even when they turn out to be true. Ireland's position is self-defeating. Yes, we will have to pay more to the Union if its budget increases, but we will benefit many times over from the extra stability and new growth opportunities which more soundly based financing of the European Union and the eurozone would bring.

Regarding Brexit, while we cannot predict the outcome of tomorrow's election, the indications are that the ratification of the withdrawal agreement Bill will proceed to a conclusion in the next six weeks. At that point Brexit will not, irrespective of the industrially promoted slogan to the contrary, be done; it will be very far from done. The most fundamental issue of all, the future relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union, will begin to be negotiated in substance. The political declaration about the future relationships currently proposes what is for Ireland roughly the worst possible outcome. It is a hard Brexit whereby the United Kingdom seeks both to conclude a free trade agreement with the European Union and to be free then to lower standards and have different relations with the rest of the world. In other words, both trading and broader social and economic relations between the United Kingdom and Europe will under every conceivable outcome be less free and subject to more barriers. The United Kingdom is seeking to maximise access but minimise the ability of the European Union to use established procedures to guarantee free and fair competition. This contradiction has not even begun to be reconciled. Given the nature of the Conservative Party's campaign and the details of its position, something close to a crash-out remains a possibility at the end of next year. Ireland dodged an enormous bullet earlier this year when a crash-out Brexit was avoided at a time when we were manifestly not ready for it. For example, we had extra customs bays in Dublin Port but did not have the staff to man them. Clearly, we must keep showing urgency in preparations. We must finally reach the stage at which we should have been many months ago, with all businesses having the requisite registrations and a move from general information to specific and practical action to support them as they seek to protect or replace business in the United Kingdom.

Regarding Northern Ireland, the leaked Treasury report published by the British Labour Party last week and confirmed by other reporting suggests that the withdrawal agreement threatens major economic damage unless serious mitigation is provided. The fact that Northern Ireland has been denied a voice in the Brexit debate because its democratic institutions were collapsed by Sinn Féin based on a controversy about a heating scheme has already caused immense damage. The new 13 January deadline appears to be concentrating minds, and it is hoped democracy will be restored - not before time and to the credit of no one involved. If it is, there is no time to waste in getting to work on both limiting the damage of Brexit and taking advantage of the special economic status which Northern Ireland is likely to have following 2020.

The European Union also faces a serious challenge to its core principles of the rule of law and fair democracies. This comes from both within and outside the Union. When governments take over their judiciaries, exercise extreme partisan control of the media, attack civil society and deny basic accountability, they explicitly step away from the core principles on which they were admitted to the Union and which are in its treaties. These are values and laws which they agreed to and which were ratified by their populations in free referendums. There cannot be a backing off from this. The European values which are under threat are threatened by governments which embrace the idea of tight control of their peoples and a growing illiberalism. Any attempt to step away from the priority given to this issue by the previous leadership of the Council and the Commission should be opposed by Ireland.

Equally, Ireland needs to stand with Ukraine as it continues to endure the invasion and partition imposed on it by an authoritarian neighbour. What would it say to countries such as the European Union's Baltic members if Europe allowed Ukraine to be dismembered and undermined like this?

We also need the European Union to understand that business as usual with Israel is becoming increasingly unacceptable. Prime Minister Netanyahu has, despite what the Tánaiste told us, become more extreme and is proposing annexations which would permanently deny Palestinians statehood. The Taoiseach has yet again said he will continue blocking the Bill on trade with illegal settlements because it is an EU competency.

I remind the Taoiseach that there is no evidence of him or the Tánaiste proposing at EU level that this legislation should be allowed or adopted by the European Union as a whole. How far does Prime Minister Netanyahu have to go before we in this House will take substantive action? This week's summit will be overshadowed by the British election. Irrespective of what happens in that election, the fundamental structure of United Kingdom-European Union relations must be addressed and the need to reform and support the working of the European Union will remain as urgent as ever. Given the scale and importance of the issues involved, it is long since time for Ireland to start playing a constructive and proactive role in these debates.

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