Thomas Pringle (Donegal, Independent) | Oireachtas source

We cannot make statements without discussing Brexit and the implications it could have for us. I am not going to add much on that because it has already been referred to by others. However, it is vital to ensure that the European Union sticks by the backstop, regardless of whoever is Prime Minister of the UK after the current process. Unlike Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan, I am not surprised that the English do not have a clue about what this means for the North because that has always been the crux of the problem. We should not expect anything more from them. We should ensure that we protect and look after our own interests in terms of the backstop and the future arrangements that will be put in place.

I want discuss migration. It would be remiss of me not to take note of the fact that the Heads of State will meet in Brussels to decide about EU leadership and the strategic direction of the Union on World Refugee Day. This serves as a welcome reminder of the failure of Europe to deal with the crisis. Three years after peak numbers of refugees crossed into Europe, EU leaders have failed to put in place an effective response to deal with the most vulnerable people, which is now leading to a vacuum which populist and far right parties are filling with anti-migrant rhetoric.

According to UNHCR figures, 2018 will be another year of record displacement. Some 1.4 million people are in need of resettlement, with increasing numbers spending years in limbo without any hope in sight. The new European Parliament and Commission, as well as the upcoming framework under the Global Compact on Refugees, will provide a vital opportunity to change the EU's direction and commit it to its own share of responsibility. Resettlement and integration need to be cornerstones of EU policy as we enter a new term. This will be important if the EU intends to be a key player in the area of peace and stability, particularly when it comes to north Africa, which I will touch on later and which is very much related to the migrant crisis that continues today. These should also remain central to the new Commission President and the EU parliamentary coalition’s agenda. More urgently, however, the Commission's call on member states to provide 50,000 resettlement places will expire in October and because the resettlement framework will not be adopted in time, member states and the Commission should urgently convene to discuss an interim scheme to bridge the gap. We are well short of meeting our targets in this regard.

The EU’s role in north African countries is becoming increasingly controversial and is directly linked with the migrant crisis in Europe. Europe has continually been lacking in its commitment to stabilising and enhancing peace initiatives in north Africa. It has instead taken on an increasingly militant policy while, at the same time, supporting despots and authoritarian regimes. All of this brings its foreign policy into question. Yesterday, I spoke of the dire situation in Sudan. Not only are people at incredible risk of further attacks, many suggest that a massacre is imminent, with comparisons to Darfur, Myanmar and even Rwanda. The international community, as well as Europe, has been very slow to respond and the silence has been deafening. I understand the EU Foreign Affairs Council supports the call of the African Union for the establishment of a civilian-led authority and supports the leadership role of the African Union and mediation efforts carried out in co-operation with Ethiopia. However, engagement must be promoted not only with protesters, but also with civil society, NGOs and the diaspora, who have worked hard to foster the right to democracy for the Sudanese. Engagement with Sudan should also be seen in terms of how best to prevent widespread violence against its ethnic, religious, political and other populations that are vulnerable to human rights abuses at this time.

The situation in Mali is the exact opposite in that there is now an excessive military presence from member states of the UN Security Council. Ireland has become complicit by agreeing to send a dozen troops to Mali to join a counterterrorism operation widely regarded as the most dangerous United Nations mission in the world. The Government needs to be honest about its motive, which is simple: France. Either it is a way to gain favour with France over key Brexit negotiations or it is as part of Ireland’s intensified campaign for a seat on the UN Security Council in 2021-2022. It could also be simply to bed us further into the military regime within Europe.

France’s motives are taking over Europe’s motives, as I have always said would happen and which has happened with regard to PESCO and other operations in the past. This is even more obvious given Europe’s role in the crisis in Libya, where Europe, mainly France, is in fact complicit with authoritarian regimes. Haftar's assault on Tripoli, which has already displaced and killed many, could usher in the worst fighting in Libya since 2011. Approximately 3,300 refugees and migrants are under threat as they are held in detention centres in close proximity to military sites. Many of them have been intercepted on the Mediterranean Sea as part of a much-criticised EU deal with Libya to keep migrants away from the European mainland. Let us not forget that France has been supporting and even strengthening Haftar’s militia for years, with the deployment of advisers, undercover operatives and special forces. In particular, the overthrow of Gaddafi was initiated by France and England in pursuit of their oil interests. Haftar has himself admitted his acquisition of arms from French, Egyptian and UAE forces despite the UN embargo. It has been noted that the EU is moving back to its belief in the "stable authoritarianism" which is sweeping across Sudan, Libya and other countries in north Africa while, all the while, the regimes of Saudi Arabia and across the Middle East go unquestioned.

The Treaty on European Union dictates that European action "shall be guided by the principles which have inspired [the EU's] own creation", listing human rights and the respect for human dignity as core to these principles, yet, today, it is a Europe that is so far removed from these principles that it may, in fact, be a threat to them.

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