Brendan Ryan (Dublin Fingal, Labour) | Oireachtas source

The Labour Party has a long record of supporting Irish involvement in UN peacekeeping missions but we will not be supporting this motion. Central to our support for UN missions is the triple-lock mechanism which requires any mission to have a UN mandate, the agreement of the Government and the agreement of the Dáil. This motion illustrates very clearly why the requirement for a Dáil debate and vote is so important. We need to open up the discussion on the issues relating to this complex mission and satisfy ourselves that sending members of the Defence Forces to participate in it is consistent with our support for human rights and for peace and reconciliation. Our conclusion is that it is not.

In July 2013, the UN Security Council unanimously approved that a large peacekeeping force be send to Mali. The force involves police as well as soldiers, most of them drawn from African countries. There is , however, also a substantial contingent from Bangladesh. The largest European contribution is 408 personnel from Germany, although there is a substantial French military presence in Mali operating separately from this UN mission but in partnership with the government of Mali. The MINUSMA mission is designed to prevent the return of armed elements in northern Mali, but not to take offensive military action against rebel groups. However, there is a very fine line about what counts as offensive military action when the threat is posed by guerrilla warfare and terrorism rather than conventional conflict. The UN mandate for this mission has included provision that the French will provide military support to the UN mission if required. That is a complicating factor and part of the reason for the Labour Party's opposition to this mission.

France's involvement relates to its post-colonial ties with Mali. It is also linked to French participation in global warfare against so-called Islamic militants.

From the perspective of the insurgent groups, there is little to distinguish UN peacekeepers from French troops when it comes to identifying who is involved in offensive action against them. However, that is not the main basis of our opposition to this mission. The Labour Party is opposed to Ireland's participation in MINUSMA on two specific grounds. First, we are concerned that this mission has been structured as a security-only solution to the conflict. The only endgame that seems to be envisaged is one where insurgent groups are defeated. This pulls the UN away from its traditional stance of neutrality into being a strong supporter of one side of the conflict, if not an active party on that side. This is a dangerous precedent. Sometimes peacekeeping has to involve peace enforcement but that must be even-handed in every conflict. We cannot support a circumstance in which the UN is perceived to be anti-Muslim or an uncritical supporter of the Government of Mali. It should be remembered that while elections have occurred in Mali, the range of civil and political freedoms enjoyed in that country are a far cry from the level of freedom and democracy in this country. Part of this mission should be about strengthening democracy for all people in Mali, including the people who are currently living under so-called Islamist insurgent groups. The mission should also recognise that some of those fighting in these insurgent groups may have legitimate grievances or may have been coerced into participation. In this context, the Labour Party cannot support Irish participation in MINUSMA due to the lack of focus on peace-building and reconciliation. Too much of this mission is focused on combating insurgents rather than finding a roadmap to peace. A security-only solution will not work. Peace-building efforts are required. In this context, I have a number of questions for the Government. What is its understanding of the endgame for this conflict? How will this UN mission lead not only to a reduction in violence but a durable peace? How will a lasting peace be built in ethnic communities that have been in violent conflict with one another? How will the legitimate grievance of various groups be dealt with and how will the voices of victims be heard?

I understand that the UN mission has contributed to the circumstances in which peace agreements were negotiated in 2013 and 2015 between the Government of Mali based in the southern city of Bamako and various ethnic groups in the north, including the Tuareg people. There is, therefore, a basis for overcoming decades old grievances held by ethnic minorities about their rights and autonomy within Mali. The participation of the Tuareg is particularly important to provide stability to Mali's extensive northern territories. Much of this territory is desert or semi-desert and much of it has never been fully under the control of the government since Mali's independence. Why did both the 2013 and 2015 peace agreements exclude other groups, including Islamist groups? There is no doubt that some of these groups have carried out atrocities but other ethnic groups have also been implicated in appalling violence. The French military objective of seeking the military defeat of Islamic militants, some of whom have links with al-Qaeda, is not a suitable objective for a UN mission. The UN's role should be genuinely keeping the peace, not providing policing and security so that the French military can pursue its goals. In this context, the second reason the Labour Party cannot support participation in MINUSMA is the failure to seek a fully inclusive peace process. We cannot support this mission unless and until there is a substantive push for new peace talks, which must include a genuine opportunity for the involvement of all sides to the conflict, including so-called Islamist organisations and people living under their control. While these organisations may refuse, we cannot allow the UN mission to take sides or to be used to advance the purpose of one side of the conflict.

It is worth recalling the chronology of this conflict. In 2011, there was serious drought and famine in west Africa. This created some of the conditions that led to a Tuareg ethnic rebellion in 2012 and a massive displacement of at least 350,000 people within Mali and to neighbouring states. The French became involved in a military action to support the Government of Mali and stabilise the country. In 2013, the UN mission took over from the French military to help stabilise the country. Two years later, the Government of Mali negotiated peace with militias and allowed more regional autonomy for the Tuareg ethnic group as part of that peace deal. Today, the people of Mali continue to suffer from violence carried out by a range of extremist groups, rebel factions and communal groups.

We need to get to the roots of the current crisis. Drought and famine conditions led to people taking part in violent uprisings. We saw the same pattern in Libya, Syria and other countries that experienced the Arab Spring uprisings. We need to recognise that these extreme conditions led people to join armed groups, including lslamist and jihadist groups, as they seemed to offer a way out of a dire situation. Whatever about the leadership of these groups, it is plausible that some fighters as well as others living in territory controlled by Islamic groups want an end to conflict and a return to normal life.

MINUSMA is an example of Europe being pushed to address issues in its own backyard rather than rely on the United States for military intervention. The conflict in Mali is an example of the kind of conflict that drives migration to Europe. Finding sustainable solutions must be part of the solution to a durable Europe-Africa partnership for the future. However, we must work to find a distinctly different European approach to conflict resolution, not blindly take up the American "war on terror" strategy which has left a disastrous legacy in Iraq and Afghanistan. The need for a different strategy is particularly relevant to Ireland's bid for a seat on the UN Security Council. What is that seat for? Is it only posturing or does Ireland offer a different perspective that would provide new solutions to conflicts such as in Mali? From our history of conflict and our peace process and reconciliation in Northern Ireland, we should be in a position to offer something different. The Labour Party cannot support the participation of our Defence Forces in MINUSMA under the current strategy and we will vote against the motion.

See this speech in context