Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

The need to hold an emergency summit of the European Council on the sole topic of how long to extend the period before which the UK will leave the European Union was itself a failure. Six years after Mr. David Cameron began the process leading to a referendum and three years after that referendum, we appear nowhere near resolving the issue of what the UK's relationship will be with its former partners. The bulk of this blame lies squarely with London, but equally we need to understand that the European Union itself is failing to get to grips with the situation and the urgent need to address threats to itself.

The situation today is that we have hit roadblocks regarding both the withdrawal agreement and the future relationship. On the first, it is not clear how a majority for the agreement can be achieved in the House of Commons because opposing it is seen by different sides as maintaining their leverage. Remainers want to avoid the definitive exit that would follow immediately upon ratification. They want, at a minimum, to secure a much closer long-term connection. The hard-line Brexiteers want to avoid the close relationship implied by the agreement and its links to the political declaration. It should be noted in passing that the majority of these Brexiteers continue to be disinterested in Ireland.

The record of the many debates held by the House of Commons in recent months shows that Ireland-related matters are not a primary concern, and a majority would probably vote for the agreement with a Northern Ireland-only backstop and be able to pass it even if the DUP voted against it. It is also striking how the sole focus of the negotiations between Labour and parts of the UK Government is the future relationship. No one really has any idea what is likely to happen in the near future. There is a chance that a section of Labour MPs will support the agreement in order to avoid another referendum; however, there is little we can do to influence this.

The critical decision by those at the summit was to make a choice between an October final deadline and a much later deadline. It is not clear which of these options was better because President Macron's core point about how Brexit is undermining the EU's day-to-day functioning at a critical moment is valid. We have not held any emergency summit to discuss the reform of the Union, how it can tackle the anti-EU campaigning of the left and right, the need to complete the banking union, the need for an increased budget, or the vital issue of the leaderships of the Commission, Council and European Central Bank, all of which become vacant during this year.

October is a reasonable compromise that maintains some pressure on the UK to come to a fixed position, allows for a referendum or election, if that is required, gives space for the inevitable Tory leadership contest, and allows countries like Ireland, which have not completed no-deal preparations, to catch up. If there is a credible reason for a further extension at some point, that can be granted at an autumn summit.

It is important for us all to understand that the holding of European Parliament elections in the UK next month carries with it important risks if they take place in an air of complete uncertainty. Were the UK definitely staying in the Union, the elections would be a moment to reconnect, but the great uncertainty and aggressive rhetoric that has already begun could actually comprise a radicalising moment. I do not believe any state, least of all Ireland, would benefit from the further degradation of British politics and the empowering of more extreme voices. Therefore, Europe should be ready to move quickly to respond to anything positive that might emerge from the negotiations in London or from any other development.

We also need to use the time now available to us to do something which we failed to do before, that is, to be ready for a no-deal scenario. We dodged a bullet on 29 March. On that date, 50% of companies that trade with the UK had not completed basic registrations required to keep trading in a no-deal scenario. Only 10% of key financial supports had been allocated, with a much smaller number actually distributed. In Dublin Port, the management said the customs plaza was ready but that the staff were not. Since 29 March, a long list of fundamental no-deal guidance has appeared that should have been in place when the UK came within days of crashing out.

A defining characteristic of this Government is the gap between its rhetoric, including its paid marketing, and its delivery. This delivery deficit was a feature yet again last month on Brexit, and it must not continue.

Industries and communities which are already feeling dramatic pressure from sterling's volatility need more active engagement. They should not have to be threatened with closure before anything is done to help them. We need a greater honesty about the impact of the mass increase in stocks in the UK and here that have distorted key markets and are a burden for many companies.

The economic update yesterday confirmed that Brexit has hit the growth forecasts published in the Budget last year – forecasts which were based on the optimistic assumption that the withdrawal agreement would be ratified and effective by 29 March. While the fiscal gap this causes has been closed by unexpected revenue on business taxes, we need much greater transparency on what is planned if the slowdown continues.

We need much greater urgency and to be actually ready regardless of what happens in June or October. We need less talk about activity and a more focus on impact.

Given the events of recent months and the rapidly changing situation, I do not think anyone here can any longer credibly argue that Ireland would have been served by spending three months holding an election and trying to form a Government. Irrespective of the Taoiseach’s new habit of labelling any media stories which are inconvenient as empty conspiracies, it appears that much of his own Government has been regularly trying to create the pretext for a Brexit election.

Fianna Fáil stands fully behind its decision not to force on Ireland the political instability which has caused so much damage to Northern Ireland and Britain. Indeed, had we been without a functioning Parliament and Government in recent months, we would have had zero no-deal legislation.

We must also address the grave situation in relation to the Good Friday Agreement, which goes well beyond the very serious issue of Brexit. Two of the three strands of the agreement are in complete suspension, while the third is in a grave condition. Added to this, one has the threat of direct rule being imposed. It is more than two years since the democratic institutions of the agreement were collapsed because of a heating scheme which appears to have lost nowhere near the amount of money used to justify the collapse. It is inexplicable and the rationale for collapsing the Executive is in no way acceptable. If such a scandal happened in government here, we would not collapse the Dáil or Seanad. Parliaments do not get collapsed because of scandals. It was a grave mistake by Sinn Féin to collapse the Executive at the time. Equally, it is a grave mistake by the DUP not to agree to go back into the Assembly. I believe we would have marriage equality by now had the Assembly been up and running, notwithstanding the petitions of concern. For far too long since the Good Friday Agreement was signed, and too often, the reflex to simply collapse the Executive and Assembly has been used. There have been periods when the default was to simply pull out and collapse the institutions. That is no longer acceptable and cannot be acceptable in the future because vacuums are dangerous in situations such as this, particularly in the context of Brexit. I made that point earlier in the Chamber but I think Deputy McDonald may have misunderstood what I was saying. Brexit is a grave threat to the island and to Northern Ireland. I cannot understand how anyone can stand by and say that it is grand that we do not have the Assembly and Executive and not make every effort to restore them so that the anti-Brexit majority in the North would have a voice in the Parliament, just as those in Scotland and Wales have.

It is now two years since the institutions were collapsed. At a time when its future has been at the centre of international affairs for the first time in 21 years, Northern Ireland has been left without a voice at the table. The pro-EU majority in the Assembly has been gagged by the two largest parties who agree on only one thing, that someone else is to blame. We do not need our Government to take the position of "We’ll help if we can". We need it to show leadership, to get involved, and to try to get re-engagement.

If people are not even talking then of course they cannot reach agreement and nothing can be achieved. At a minimum we should demand that a civic forum be convened to give the people of Northern Ireland some place to express their views on reforming the institutions and getting through Brexit.

Now that there is some new breathing space, Ireland’s best interests require a rapid increase in Brexit preparations. Businesses need to start seeing real support for diversifying products and markets. Vital indigenous sectors which are already hit by sterling's devaluation have to be engaged with and helped to replace lost business. Most of all, Ireland has to speak up for a more effective EU, with a renewed leadership and focused on an urgent reform agenda.

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