Simon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

Before dealing with the main topic of the Council meeting, which is Brexit, I will respond to some of the other issues raised. I agree with the expressions of frustration by many Members of the House that Brexit is taking up so much bandwidth for the European Union at present when there are so many other areas internally and particularly in foreign policy on which it should be focusing.

Libya is on the verge of a civil war. It is very worrying. I did not attend the Foreign Affairs Council meeting yesterday where it was discussed because Michel Barnier was in Dublin and I had to be here. With regard to the human rights consequences of what has happened in Libya, we have tried to respond in a pragmatic way. I was Minister for Defence when we first decided to send a ship to the Mediterranean. Many people said that it was impossible and would not work but over the past three years, it turned out to be a very successful humanitarian mission. I also spoke out directly at the previous Foreign Affairs Council meeting before yesterday's on my concerns about what is effectively the ending of Operation Sophia from a humanitarian perspective in terms of a capacity in the Mediterranean. The EU, collectively, has been unable to make decisions on landing locations for refugees who are taken out of the water. That is a quite disgraceful failing of politics within the European Union.

I continue to advocate for solutions that can allow countries like Ireland and others to continue to operate on a humanitarian basis and also to be effective in tackling the scourge of people trafficking and the crimes that are taking place there.

On Venezuela, I remind the House that Ireland's position on this, along with other EU member states, is clear. We recognise Juan Guaidó as interim President to call elections. This is not about a recognition of somebody for a permanent status as President but an interim status. At the last EU Foreign Affairs Council meeting, I spoke about the need for the EU to look at its position, to review it and to examine whether we should be advocating at this stage for international mediation in Venezuela. I have subsequently spoken to a number of EU ministers on this by phone and in person to advance that thought process. I have not received feedback from the latest international contact group meeting in South America, but when I get that, those conversations will continue.

On Israel, I made a statement last night on more announcements around expansion of settlements deep into the West Bank, some of the very unwelcome commentary, which I would regard as electioneering, in the last days before polling today, and the signals that have been sent from a brand of politics that is constantly shifting to the right in Israel now, which is worrying. We will have to wait and see what happens in the election today and what kind of government is formed in the coming weeks. My approach to Israel has and will continue to be to have direct conversations and not to shy away from being critical when necessary. Ultimately, however, we cannot succeed in a peace process in the Middle East without talking to both the Palestinians with whom we have very good relationship and the Israeli Government, with which we will also continue to work, despite the fact that we strongly disagree at times with policy decisions that it makes.

On the critical meeting, as part of the Article 50 process that is taking place tomorrow, the European Council will reflect on Prime Minister May's request for an extension of Article 50. The EU 27 will need to decide unanimously on any further extension. At the same time, talks are ongoing between the UK Government and the Labour Party leadership to see if a joint approach can be agreed on Brexit and the future relationship with the EU. That is a serious process and the feedback that we are getting is that it is a serious engagement and we will have to wait and see where it goes.

I discussed developments with Michel Barnier during his visit to Dublin yesterday and again this morning at the EU General Affairs Council meeting, which I attended. The solidarity on the Irish issues, I am glad to say to this House, is stronger than it has ever been. As the Taoiseach said earlier, Ireland favours an extension. At the same time, an extension is not a solution in itself. For us the best outcome is that talks result in an agreement in London that will allow approval of the withdrawal agreement. President Tusk has rightly said the patience is needed. We need to allow time for the talks in London to come to a conclusion and to encourage the UK to find a way to secure the ratification of the withdrawal agreement.

However, an extension cannot be used for endless prevarication either. The UK must provide a clear concrete plan on how it intends to proceed. Westminster needs to make a choice on Brexit and its future relationship with the European Union. EU member states are rightly asking that they would know what the choice is going to be. We will also need to ensure a proper functioning of the European Union. As Prime Minister May acknowledges in her letter, it commits the UK to taking part in the European parliamentary elections. As the Members are aware, if the UK continues to be a member of the European Union through an extension period and does not take its seats in the European Parliament, then the European Parliament is not legally constituted under the treaties and therefore cannot make decisions. We cannot allow that to happen.

It is also clear that under no circumstances can the extension be seen as an opportunity to reopen the withdrawal agreement or the Irish protocol in it. This was clearly set out in the European Council conclusions of 21 March and is repeated again this morning in the EU General Affairs Council meeting. The solution to the impasse in London can only come from Westminster. We hope that the way forward set out by the Prime Minister and her ongoing discussions with the Opposition will deliver a solution and soon.

Should the discussions in London see a change in red lines, the EU has always been clear that it is open to looking again at the political declaration in such circumstances. The EU is fully committed to achieving an ambitious and comprehensive future partnership with the UK. A no-deal Brexit is not in anybody's interest and is certainly not in Ireland's interests. Time is short, but there is still an opportunity for a sensible, managed and orderly outcome. While the risk of a no-deal scenario may have receded slightly this week, the Government continues with our intensive preparedness and contingency work which has been going on now, as the Taoiseach said earlier, for the past two years. This includes our engagement with the European Commission on how we can work together to avoid a hard border in the case of a no-deal outcome while also protecting the integrity of the Single Market and customs union. As I have said repeatedly, we cannot allow Ireland to be dragged out of the EU Single Market in a no-deal scenario.

In my meeting with Michel Barnier yesterday, he made clear the EU's solidarity with Ireland on this issue. Throughout this process there has been a strong understanding from EU partners of the need to address the unique circumstances on the island of Ireland. The EU has been clear that it is determined to do all it can, deal or no deal, to avoid the need for a border and to protect the peace process. Intensive discussions with European Commission are continuing in good faith to find operational solutions. Our basic priorities are not changed which are to avoid a hard border in Ireland, to protect the Good Friday Agreement, and at the same time to protect the integrity of the EU Single Market and customs union and Ireland's place in them. Achieving these twin goals is difficult. Without a withdrawal agreement, avoiding a hard border would become a more complex and demanding challenge. There are, in simple terms, no easy answers.

All options are being discussed within the rules of the customs union and Single Market right now. Such a solution would be suboptimal compared with the backstop, however, and I want to make that point very clearly to Parliament here. While it may be possible to avoid physical infrastructure at the Border, it will be difficult to avoid serious disruption to the functioning of an all-island economy. The seamless trade that we enjoy today will not be possible, and the benefits of the backstop for business in Northern Ireland will be lost, at least in the short term, in a no-deal scenario without the co-operation of the UK. This is why the backstop is an essential part of the withdrawal agreement and why we remain focused on securing its ratification. It provides the best way to ensure an orderly withdrawal while fully protecting the Good Friday Agreement, and it enables both sides to move on to negotiate a deep and ambitious future relationship.

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