Maurice Quinlivan (Limerick City, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

As has been stated, this is a very unusual Bill for very unusual times. Most of my comments are on how it will affect business. However, I first want to highlight that Brexit is primarily about people. I am married to an Englishwoman. My in-laws are English. My uncle lives in England. I have first and second cousins; some of them consider themselves Irish and some of them consider themselves English. Almost every family in Ireland has some sort of connection to England.

It is vitally important that the Government puts in place contingencies to protect Irish business and people’s jobs in the event of a no-deal Brexit. As a result, I welcome the provisions contained in the section relating to business, enterprise and innovation section, which aim primarily to give Enterprise Ireland more power to assist Irish businesses exposed to the consequences Brexit will bring. I agree with what my colleagues have stated regarding the timing of the Bill. We would have preferred if the Government had brought it forward earlier, particularly in light of its significance, in to ensure there was ample time to scrutinise it and table amendments where necessary.

It is truly farcical that we now find ourselves preparing for a hard Brexit. Almost three years after the referendum vote, British politicians cannot agree on a plan to manage their orderly withdrawal from the EU, while outside onlookers are none the wiser on what is to come. Unfortunately, Britain's form in this area would not inspire confidence. Using Britain’s colonial history of withdrawal as an example, departure will probably take far too long, considerable damage will be caused along the way, and the possibility remains that they might not leave at all, as we in Ireland know only too well. It has taken an enormous amount of time for many in Westminster to realise they cannot have their cake and eat it.

The failure of politicians in England to take account of the economic reality or social upheaval of Brexit is now coming home to roost. Unfortunately, it will not be the investment fund-owning Jacob Rees-Mogg or the Eton-educated Boris Johnson who will suffer as a result of a chaotic Brexit. It will be ordinary workers and their families who will suffer. As for the North of Ireland, the Tories have shown nothing but utter contempt for our citizens living there. It did not factor by one iota in their referendum campaign. The Government in England has completely ignored the democratic decision of the people of the North who voted to stay in the EU, and its attempts to scrap the backstop highlight a very worrying disregard for our peace process and the Good Friday Agreement. The British have no interest in the development and enrichment of the North of Ireland or the people living there, and they never had. As Patrick Kielty articulated in a recent article in The Guardian:

When Conservatives say they care about Northern Ireland, they actually just mean the freehold. Like a stable block with planning permission, they know the extra square footage adds value but they’ve no intention of actually developing it. Just as long as they can see it from the big house, they’re happy. As for those who live in the stable? If Brexit has proved anything, it’s that many Tories don’t give a stuff about the people of Northern Ireland – not even the unionists.

This is no surprise, particularly as British interference in Irish affairs has always resulted in a terrible experience for our country and our people. The only good thing that could come from Brexit is the possible acceleration of the holding of a referendum on the reunification of our country. Partition of this island has been an unmitigated disaster that has come at a great cost, and the day that a foreign government has no hand, act or part in the governance of Ireland will be a very welcome day for all of us. On that note, now is the time we need to start planning for what a united Ireland will look like.

It is astonishing that the Department of Business, Enterprise and Innovation holds absolutely no information or data whatsoever regarding a reunified Irish economy, considering we have had nearly 100 years of governance from the so-called republican party and the questionably named united Ireland party. I am at a loss to understand how no one in the past hundred years has asked how the national question might benefit our economy and businesses. I have asked the Minister, Deputy Humphreys, on numerous occasions to commission a report or set up a working group within her Department to examine the challenges and opportunities a reunified island and economy would bring to businesses, North and South. Unfortunately, the Minister has steadfastly refused to do this. This is a great shame and a definite mistake in the long run. Whether we have a vote on reunification in the next five, ten or 15 years, now is the time to start planning for it. I again ask the Minister to consider this.

I will turn to some of the provisions of the Bill. The proposed change to the rules on VAT payments for imports from third countries is welcome. Currently, unless specifically excluded, VAT on third-country imports is payable at the point of entry.

However, for imports from EU states this VAT is payable under the normal returns made every second month.

Sinn Féin will table several amendments to the Bill. The first will ask the Minister for Business, Enterprise and Innovation, Deputy Humphreys, to undertake a review of the current Brexit business support schemes, examine why there has been such a low uptake of these supports and propose solutions in terms of how more business can avail of them. The second amendment will seek to implement the provisions contained in Part 3 relating to business, enterprise and innovation, regardless of whether a hard Brexit takes place. We also support a move to maximise state aid rules.

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