Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

Táim buíoch as an deis labhairt ar an mBiIle seo anocht. Since the Brexit referendum result became clear in June 2016, we, in Sinn Féin, have been steadfast in stating Brexit presents the most serious social, economic and political challenges to the island in a generation. That is the reality of the current situation. Brexit presents a massive challenge, one that demands a thoughtful, purposeful and robust response. The withdrawal agreement between the European Union and Britain that is on the table and the backstop contained within it are that response which by no means is perfect. In fact, it is the bare minimum required to in the short term protect the Good Friday Agreement and ensure some safeguarding of our economic interests. It is a legally binding guarantee that ensures there will be no return to a hard border on the island and that the interests of citizens in the North, the majority of whom voted against Brexit, will be protected. However, it falls short on the promise that the rights of citizens in the North would be protected. I refer to the rights and protections afforded to other Irish citizens living in the European Union being extended to citizens in the North. We already see the assumption of the British system that all those who live in the North are British citizens. In their eyes, Irish citizens living in the North are foreigners in their own land.

The Irish Government and the EU have much to do to ensure that the rights and entitlements of people in the North, including the right to political representation, are protected. To date the Government and the EU have failed to secure these rights. The legislation before us, the so-called omnibus Bill, does not deal with the long-term issues. No British Government should have the ability to set aside the wishes of the people in the North and impose Brexit. The Border is the problem, and as Brexit so amply demonstrates this is not just an Irish problem. It is a European problem also. Unfortunately, a mere five weeks from Brexit the British Prime Minister continues to renege on the deal that she made. She has sought to play blink with the EU and demand changes that she cannot secure and which must not be conceded. Today the Brexit shambles continues at Westminster. The reality is that the backstop is required to protect our agreements and our economy. It is required to ensure there is no hard border. This is not simply the position of Sinn Féin, the Irish Government, the Irish State or, indeed, the EU. This was the position of Theresa May when she spoke to us before Christmas, yet she now says that it is not required or that it can be time-limited. Today she said it was her deal, no deal or further negotiation. All the while, uncertainty and instability grows.

The time for stalling is over. There is a deal on the table, and the British Government and Parliament must now honour that agreement. There is a cohort of Brexiteers who do not deal in reality. They believe in Brexit at any cost, and if that cost is chaos in Ireland, a hard border and the ripping up of our agreements, so be it. That is their view. They do not want to be in the European Union. We know that much. They do not want a withdrawal agreement and they do not want a backstop. For them, Ireland is inconsequential. Our economy, our citizens and our agreements are collateral damage in their fight to recapture their imperial past. It is our job to ensure that does not happen.

I share the view of the Tánaiste when he says we do not want to see this Bill enacted. What we want is a solution. We never wanted Brexit in the first place and we certainly do not want the chaos it will cause. That is why the people of the North rejected Brexit; because they recognised the folly of one part of our island being inside the European Union and the other being outside. The consequences of that are now upon us. The British Prime Minster tells us she wants a deal but she already has a deal. Today she told us that Parliament will decide if there is to be no deal. She is the Prime Minister who has refused to rule out no deal. She is now telling us she may seek an extension to Article 50 while also saying that an extension will not resolve anything. That is why we must prepare for the worst-case scenario. That is why we must face up to the prospect that in a couple of weeks we could be in a no-deal situation, despite the wishes of the people of this island, North and South.

It is an outrageous proposition that nobody here wants, but it is being foisted on us by those who do not care one iota for Ireland, our interests or our people. Shamefully that cohort includes the DUP. That party knows that a hard Brexit will damage this island, but its members are content with that situation because in their view the return of a hard border is the acceptable cost of the union with Britain. They are wrong. The DUP does not represent the view of a majority of citizens in the North. They got it wrong during the referendum debate, they were wrong in its aftermath and they are now very wrong about the withdrawal agreement and the backstop. It is disappointing and in fact disturbing that the DUP has sought to take the side of Tory Brexiteers and the likes of UKIP over the needs and aspirations of citizens in the North and across the island. However, that is their decision. Their decision is to be reckless and irresponsible. The truth is that ordinary citizens in the North, whether they are republicans, nationalists, unionists or otherwise, recognise that Brexit is not good and they want a deal that protects their livelihoods and their futures.

Sinn Féin speaks for all communities on this, not for narrow interests. We have brought our view to Europe, to the Irish Government and to the British Government consistently over the last year and a half and more. When we first articulated a policy of special status for Ireland and for the North, some of the parties in this Dáil accused us of grandstanding. They told us it was unrealistic. Yet it has since become the agreed EU position in negotiations. I believe we had a huge impact in that regard.

I have made the point here before that Brexit is not a temporary thing. It has consequences that are very real, lasting and enduring. They are for keeps. To combat those, we need a solution to match. Sinn Féin will be supporting the Bill before us tonight. We believe it can and should be strengthened and we will bring forward amendments to that effect. However, I must state this clearly that the Bill before us is not the catch-all solution to a no-deal scenario that the Government has sought to portray it as. It is in fact just one of the multifaceted responses that are required and which must be adopted as a matter of urgency by all of us here in this Dáil.

The Bill deals with some of the things that will impact immediately on people’s daily lives in the event of a no-deal Brexit, things like access to healthcare, cross-Border travel, access to education and pension entitlements. Dealing with these matters is absolutely necessary and nobody here could argue against ensuring that the contingency measures in this Bill are put in place and are ready, if required, though hopefully never needed. That is a reasonable proposition and one which we wholeheartedly support. Where we may differ with the Government, although I hope this is not the case, is with regard to what else is required in the event of a no-deal scenario. Much more is required. In addition to dealing with what the Bill before us does, we need to look at the bigger picture. While this Bill deals with important day-to-day matters it does not address the very real economic consequences of a crash-out Brexit or the prospect of the imposition of a hard border on our island.

Our country in its entirety will be the country most affected by Brexit apart from Britain itself. That will be felt in ways that are out of proportion to anything that might be experienced by other countries in the European Union. That is why we need, and why we in Sinn Féin have compiled and called for, a comprehensive medium-term plan for dealing with the economic impact of a no-deal Brexit. The first part of that must be to mitigate the effects of Brexit in the very short term through legislative measures, some of which are dealt with in the Bill before us. The next part of the strategy must be to ensure that we overcome the disruption of Brexit through medium-term investment in capital and social infrastructure. That is why we have proposed the development of a €2 billion Brexit stabilisation fund. This should be put in place to complement, not to substitute for, any EU supports that are forthcoming in the event of a no-deal Brexit. We need supports for small and medium-sized enterprises, SMEs, in vulnerable sectors as well as targeted capital investment in our ports, roads and airports and in housing, health, and education. Enterprise Ireland has said that up to 25,000 jobs could be lost in a no-deal scenario. This would be catastrophic and we need a plan on the shelf for that prospect.

There is a need for direct Government support for those importers and exporters that trade exclusively with Britain.

The majority of these businesses are small to medium-sized enterprises and lack the scale of resources to easily change practices that have been so many years in the making. That means taking on board the concerns of stakeholders, mitigating, where possible, the effects of Brexit and investing in the future to overcome the structural changes in supply and trade that Brexit will bring.

We must also accept that Brexit does not just affect businesses. It affects communities and people as well, and any Brexit strategy worth its salt needs to reflect and address that reality. That must be put in place without delay.

As I said, there is a gap in this legislation. It fails to address the fundamental issue at the heart of the current crisis - partition. The third and most crucial aspect of our contingency planning must be to look to the future and to the constitutional arrangements on this island. I have made the case on numerous occasions, and I will do so again, that in the event of a no-deal scenario it is absolutely incumbent on the British Government to put the constitutional future of the North to the people in a referendum on Irish unity because if the people of the North are to be disregarded, then the people of the North must have their say in respect of their future. In a series of polls, a majority in the North have indicated that in a no-deal scenario, they would vote for a united Ireland. Similar polls indicate likewise here in the South.

It is now time for the Government to heed those views from across the island and to indicate clearly that it, too, wants to see a referendum being held in the event of a no-deal situation. It is a more than reasonable position and one which all parties here should support. It makes perfect sense because the European Council agreed in April 2017 that the whole of our island would be afforded membership of the EU in the event of national reunification. That is what all of us here should be working towards.

It seems some parties here have a problem with that view. I have to say I do not understand that position because these are the same parties which are quite content to talk up their united Irelander credentials when it suits them but talk down the prospect of unity when they think it is politically expedient to do so. I believe their position is the wrong position.

I am talking chiefly, although not exclusively, about the shameful position of Fianna Fáil on this matter. It is now almost two years since Fianna Fáil promised it would "within months" publish a roadmap to a united Ireland. We are two years on. There is no plan. There is no roadmap, only the word "No". Its hypocrisy is laid bare for all to see. We are told that now is not the time to be talking about a unity referendum due to Brexit but now is absolutely the right time to be talking about unity as the undemocratic nature of partition is clear for all to see. Never again can a British Government seek to impose its will on the people of Ireland. Those days are over.

The leader of the SDLP, or should I call him the Fianna Fáil leader in the North, Colum Eastwood, said at the weekend that there is "a place in hell" for those advocating for a Border poll without a plan. Someone should have told Colum how Fianna Fáil has rejected proposals for a cross-party group to create such a plan for unity. It will have another chance because we in Sinn Féin will bring forward amendments to this Bill calling on the Government to convene an all-Ireland forum on unity and for the Government to develop a White Paper on Irish unity. Now is the time to talk about unity, to plan for unity and to secure and win unity polls, North and South. I trust the leader of Fianna Fáil and the Taoiseach will support these measures and essential amendments to ensure there can be no Border on our island.

The leader of Fianna Fáil also raised the issue of the institutions in the North. It is absolutely regrettable that the North's political institutions are down during the Brexit process, but that is the reality we face. It is a disgrace that the Executive is not meeting but while the leader of Fianna Fáil hurled from the ditch, Sinn Féin sought and secured a deal with the DUP, a deal that the DUP subsequently walked away from and, a year later, it has not walked back into the talks.

I would remind the Fianna Fáil leader that it was his northern sub-contractors that first walked out of the Executive.

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