James Lawless (Kildare North, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

I want to respond to some of the points made today and highlight some areas where further attention is needed in this process. I listened with interest to the Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation, Deputy Humphreys. I had studied the notes provided at the briefing on the 15th. I note there is an item on updating the Industrial Development Acts and one item under business, enterprise and innovation. In the scarce information provided and the speech just delivered I see no mention of research and development or science and technology.

I prevail on the Government to engage on issues such as Horizon 2020 and FP9 which is the next round of European funding. There is a significant threat and opportunity in that fund with the departure of the UK, which would have been both a significant contributor to and benefactor from that. The scientific and research community is one very strong segment of the UK population which does not want to leave but may have no choice. They are very keen to engage and perhaps find bilateral or other arrangements by which they can continue to engage with Irish and European scientists. I prevail on the Government to engage there.

I appreciate these are scant briefing notes. However, in the 17 items for legislation there is no mention of agriculture. I know the Minister, Deputy Creed, spoke earlier so I presume it is in there somewhere, but I did not see it. Coming from Kildare, I want to highlight the equine industry and the clear and present danger for places such as the National Stud. I visited there recently and saw the direct impact on horse breeding, stud farms, stables and the bloodstock industry in Kildare and around the country as Brexit looms. I understand there is a tripartite agreement between Ireland, the UK and France, which covers some but not all eventualities. The documentation is very scarce. As mentioned already, it came in on 19 December just before Christmas. We are beginning to see some of it fleshed out but as the detail is still very light, it is hard to know what is in and what is not in. If it is not in there, I encourage the Government to put it in.

Again I do not see fisheries mentioned in the documents. Many Irish fishermen from ports on the west coast, and indeed the south-east coast, will travel to fish in waters west of Scotland, north of Ireland and further out to little islands such as Rockall and beyond. What is the provision in any scenario for where the UK waters go, where the Irish waters go and where European waters go? To where do Irish fishermen next turn their nets?

Those are three policy areas I wanted to mention; there are many more, but my time is limited. There are also opportunities, as we know. There may be some silver linings. Ireland will be the only English-speaking country in the European Union in the very near future. We will also be the only common law jurisdiction in the European Union in the very near future. There are opportunities in commerce, investment, job creation and litigation. We can take advantage of those. However, all the usual domestic challenges such as housing and taxation with which this House grapples apply it to inward investment. I hope those opportunities are being taken on board.

I listened with interest and dismay to comments from representatives of the DUP in recent days about the hard border or the lack of hard border, which I found perplexing. As a child, I travelled across the Border; on family holidays we went to the Giant's Causeway, the coast of Antrim and many other sites of interest. I vividly remember crossing borders with barbed wire and pillbox concrete installation posts. I remember soldiers interrogating my mother at gunpoint as she drove a car with buckets and spades in the back and four or five children with curiosity and no small amount of fear over what was going on. Of course, others who have lived there know much more than I do. It is the height of ludicrousness to suggest there was never a hard border. It may not have been as hard as they might have liked, but certainly it was very hard.

In that vein, I also question what happened between the Tánaiste and the Minister, Deputy Ross, the other day. What is the position? Is the Minister, Deputy Ross, being more candid than others? It may be time for some plain speaking and to get the facts out there so that we can all begin to understand what the position is. My approach has always been to hope for the best and prepare for the worst. In something as fundamental as this, that would be key.

I listened to Sinn Féin Members' comments with interest, particularly those of its leader, Deputy McDonald. It was the height if irony if not hypocrisy to criticise others for not being more active on some of these issues. I saw a video recording of a Sinn Féin representative standing outside Westminster on the night of the vote, criticising others for positions they were taking while the vote was taking place behind them in the Houses of Parliament. If I were to stand on the plinth and criticise a vote taking place in here, I would rightly have no credibility whatsoever. It is ludicrous that Sinn Féin has that position with nothing in the North, nothing in Westminster and very little representation for their constituents.

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