Richard Boyd Barrett (Dún Laoghaire, People Before Profit Alliance) | Oireachtas source

It is with a sort of grim fascination that we look on at the mess, the shambles and the manoeuvring that is going on in Westminster. It is with utter horror that we look at some of the characters in this drama, most notably, obviously, the Tory right, and the manner in which Theresa May has to deal with these rather obnoxious forces on the Tory right or, for that matter, in the DUP. However, one would have thought, and I still think, that at some point reason will prevail because it is not really in anybody's interest that there would be massive disruption between Britain and Europe, Britain and Ireland or any of the territories, countries or players in regard to people, trade and services. One would think, therefore, and I still think it the most likely outcome - that there would be some kind of no-deal deal. Although I would not give credence to anything he says, even the obnoxious, politically bankrupt Boris Johnson, on the hard right, Brexiteer wing of the Brexit movement, was saying when he was here in Dublin that he would not countenance a crash out and that there would have to be some continuation of existing arrangements, in whatever guise, if some sort of deal was not done.

In that regard, I do not entirely buy into the Fianna Fáil or Labour narrative that the Government is not doing anything behind the scenes. It is probably doing quite a lot, as it happens, to prepare because it is not in its interest either for there to be massive disruption. Regardless of whether one is on the right or the left, I fail to see why anybody would not be preparing as best they can in a very uncertain situation to try to minimise the level of disruption, whether North-South, east-west or otherwise. That is not to say there are not other things the Government might not be doing, and Deputy Howlin is absolutely right about ferry services, which are caught up in the Fine Gael aversion to state intervention.

That is more of a left-right issue and, indeed, there is a debate we have to have with the EU about the need, if there is massive disruption, for substantial state intervention and, if necessary, state aid, something the EU does not like. I would like the Tánaiste to give us as much detail on that as possible. Is there going to be money available? Is European solidarity going to extend to putting funds in place to safeguard sectors of our society and economy that could be in serious trouble if the crash out happens and major disruption occurs? In some areas, EU state aid rules could certainly be a problem for us in regard to doing that. From a very different perspective to that of Boris Johnson, this is one of the reasons the left has a problem with the EU's economic rules. It does not like state aid whereas we think state aid is sometimes necessary to maintain key infrastructure and key industries in a situation where the vagaries of the market and geopolitics put those things and people's jobs under threat.

I appeal to the Government to desist from using Brexit as a whip over the nurses. There were shocking references by the Taoiseach to the nurses being irresponsible in demanding decent levels of pay in the health service and to not doing that because of Brexit. Brexit should not be used as the new austerity stick so people do not fight for just and legitimate demands on pay, services or anything else.

While one would think reason will prevail, of course, there were theorists of the Second International, which is Deputy Howlin's political tradition of socialism, who argued before the First World War that there would never be another global war because it did not make sense from a trading point of view in an integrated global economy for people to go to war. Of course, shortly after that theory was put out, the greatest war in human history occurred between big powers which were ruthlessly fighting over control of resources and markets. Although one would think reason will prevail, it does not mean it will.

This is where the point about the far right is important. It is easy enough for the EU because, God almighty, it is easy for it to point at the Tory right and ask, "What sort of obnoxious people are these?" It is not so easy to look to its own back yard, as alluded to by Deputy Howlin, when we look at what is going on with Hungary, Austria and the rise of the far right, and given the degree to which Europe has to take responsibility because of its failures for the growth of very dangerous political forces across Europe that mirror and, in some cases, are far worse even than the Tory Brexiteers and the threat they pose.

I have several questions. First, what discussions has the Government had with Europe about funds and money to support us if there is a difficult situation and about waiving state aid rules, if necessary, to maintain, develop and protect key infrastructure, services and the various sectors of our society? The second question concerns the Border.

I am surprised at Sinn Féin's line that a no-deal Brexit means there will be a border. Can the Tánaiste answer that question? The only people who can put up a border are the Irish and British Governments. Is the Government going to put up a border in the event of a no-deal Brexit. In my view, it should not do so. Has the Government talked to the British Government about whether it is going to put up a border? What discussions have taken place with the European Union on its intention to put pressure on us to insist on a border in the case of a no-deal Brexit? Finally, I note my view that if there is a no-deal Brexit, the Government should support the call for a referendum on a united Ireland. Democratically, the people of the North have the right to decide whether they want to go along with a British Government with which they do not agreed.

See this speech in context