Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

I am deeply saddened to learn there are tensions between Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil, partners in government, and I am happy to take to my feet as a leader of the Opposition. Táim fíor bhuíoch agus an deis labhartha seo a ghlacadh ar an ábhar tábhachtach um tráthnóna.

Since June 2016, when the Brexit referendum result became clear, we have been steadfast, as an all-Ireland party and the lead party of Northern nationalism and republicanism, in stating that Brexit represents the most serious social, economic and political threat to our island in a generation. Throughout the referendum debate in Britain, no attention was paid to the Irish question or Irish interests, and it has been that way since. So it was in Westminster on Tuesday night when the withdrawal agreement, negotiated between the British Government and the European Union, was overwhelmingly rejected. As a consequence, the Brexit threat to our island remains and, arguably, has intensified.

The so-called backstop remains the only guarantee and our only insurance policy that there will be no hard border on the island and that the interests of citizens in the North, the majority of whom voted against Brexit, will be protected. That backstop must be defended, therefore, and it cannot be watered down under any circumstances because opposition to the backstop is not grounded in fact. It is being used as a Trojan horse by those in Britain who oppose any co-operation with the European Union as a means of vetoing any withdrawal agreement. Unless there is a backstop, there is no way of guaranteeing there will be no hard border, that the Good Friday Agreement will be protected and upheld, and that citizens will continue to enjoy rights that we take for granted today. In fairness to the British Prime Minister, she finally got that after much argument. There are many in her Tory Party, however, and its partners in the Democratic Unionist Party, DUP, who do not. They have adopted a reckless and ludicrous position but that is hardly surprising.

The level of delusion among ardent Brexiteers is best summed up by the commentary of the DUP leader earlier in the week, who enlightened us all that there had never been a hard border on the island of Ireland and that it was a figment of our collective imagination. This is patently untrue and illustrates clearly that Brexiteers are not in the realm of reality. I am sure the Tánaiste does not need me to point out how worrying that is because as each day passes, we lurch closer to the possibility of a no-deal scenario, and that cannot happen.

In case it does, however, we need to plan. I reiterate the case I have made in the House on previous occasions that in the event of a no-deal scenario, which I do not wish to see, it is incumbent on the British Government to put to a referendum on Irish unity the constitutional future of the people of the North. I will speak to Mrs May tomorrow and I will again advance that case to her. If the people of the North are to be disregarded and have their future toyed with by the British establishment, which does not care about their future, they deserve to have their say and their consent sought.

In a series of polls, a majority in the North have indicated that in a no-deal scenario, they would support the notion of Irish unity. It is now time for the Government in Dublin to articulate that it, too, wishes to see a referendum held in the event of a no-deal scenario. It is a more than reasonable position, and I believe it is one that parties here should hold. I also believe it is a position that is understood implicitly and explicitly by leaders across the European Union. We need not forget that in April 2017, the European Council agreed that our whole island would be afforded membership of the European Union in the event of national reunification. None of us in the Chamber wants a no-deal scenario to transpire but if it does, and if Westminster insists on driving towards a no-deal crash, a referendum on Irish unity - as provided for in the Good Friday Agreement - must be called because it is the only sensible, logical, democratic and rational response that will provide a pathway for the North to retain membership of the European Union. Let us bear in mind that people in the North voted to remain.

In the interim, let us hope a deal can be reached. As I said, however, that cannot involve any resiling from the backstop and protections on the table. If Britain insists on Brexit, that is a matter for Britain, but any agreement needs to recognise, understand and protect the people of this island, our economy and, crucially, our peace process. That means the Government in Dublin and leaders at a European level need to stand firm and not move away from, or attempt to dilute, the backstop.

In the short term, we need to be prepared for the immediate impact of a no-deal scenario. A few nights ago, the Tánaiste briefed us on contingency planning in that regard and I thank him for that engagement. As I noted yesterday in the Chamber, however, the Government's contingency planning focuses almost exclusively on east-west matters, which are important. I acknowledge that we need to protect trade and commerce between our islands but we also need an adequate contingency plan for North-South issues.

On Tuesday night, the Tánaiste and the Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport, Deputy Ross, were seen to be at odds over checks and goods crossing the Border in the event of a no-deal Brexit. In reality, Deputy Ross was right in what he said because if there is a crash, in the absence of a backstop, there will be a hard border and, as a result, checks. The Tánaiste and the Taoiseach have evaded the issue time and again. I appreciate the Government does not wish to be seen as even countenancing a hard border on the island but that is what will happen because that is what the EU's rule book dictates.

Is it not time to say out loud there will be a hard border in the absence of a deal, and to reassert that this would be unacceptable and unconscionable for everyone in the Oireachtas and the people? That fact cannot be media-managed. It is the reality of what would happen.

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