Dáil debates

Wednesday, 12 December 2018

Pre-European Council Meeting: Statements

 

3:50 pm

Photo of Mattie McGrathMattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent) | Oireachtas source

Indeed I am, in the spirit of Christmas and the spirit of the acclamation that Deputy Micheál Martin made to the nation in the course of this pre-European Council meeting debate. As the singer Johnny Logan would say, "What's another year?" What is five minutes in the context of another year? It is nothing.

The Taoiseach is imithe now but almost every time that a meeting of the European Council has taken place in the last year, it has been preceded by one crisis or another. It has been a very rocky and bumpy road. However, the crisis engulfing the politics and Parliament of the United Kingdom now appears to be genuinely chaotic and looks set to confirm our worst fears in terms of the negative impact of a hard Brexit. It is astonishing. Management of the crisis, if it was ever real, is now slipping out of all control and that is quite apparent to one and all. Despite her determination and resilience, Mrs. May is, to all intents and purposes, a lame duck Prime Minister who appears likely to become yet another victim of Tory party infighting over Europe. It is a sad spectacle to watch as the uncertainty around the effects on our economy and many other economies grows.

Mrs. May postponed the vote on the withdrawal agreement in Westminster because she simply could not generate the support required for what almost everyone agrees is a deeply problematic arrangement. It is unfair to members of the UK Parliament to expect them to sign up to and support an agreement that locks them into a backstop arrangement from which they cannot extract themselves. As we know, our nearest neighbours are a very proud people whose ancestors conquered the world and developed the British Empire. Pride, which is one of the seven deadly sins, is a big part of the problem here. The British want to be proud and to borrow a phrase, they want to make England great again. It seems that the backstop issue is one where politics, as the art of the possible and of compromise, is destined to fail. Is mór an trua an rud sin. It is very sad.

The British Prime Minister said that she would go back to the EU and seek further clarification on the legal nature of the backstop protocol but before she even landed in Brussels, the door was slammed in her face by Mr. Juncker which is a real pity. While I must recognise and acknowledge the support we have received from our EU colleagues, I am suspicious of it at the same time. The support is certainly there and the agreement, on which I was briefed by the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Coveney, when it was finalised, is very good for Northern Ireland. Indeed, it is quite a good agreement for the Republic of Ireland too. While we must acknowledge that, we must also ask, at what price? What will we be expected to deliver afterwards, when and if there is a crash-out Brexit? There is serious uncertainty about the impact of a crash-out Brexit on our lives and our economy. This is especially true with regard to rural Ireland and the agricultural sector which exports so much of its produce to the United Kingdom.

The EU's approach is giving fuel to those elements of the UK political class who have their faces set against any constructive deal. Closing the door in Mrs. May's face before she had even gotten off the plane was not constructive; she should have been embraced. This has been going on from the very start. There has been no empathy for or understanding of the British position. Neither has there been any examination or in depth analysis of the reasons for the Brexit vote. We all know that there were many reasons for that vote, with immigration being only one. Other reasons include a lack of autonomy and a sense of being governed from afar by big brother, as well as of being neglected. Neglect by the EU was demonstrated during our financial crisis with the so-called bail out, which I described as a clean out. I voted against it because the EU charged us 6% while the IMF loaned us money at less than 3%. In the meantime, we face unimaginable consequences if a hard Brexit or no deal scenario comes to pass. People are so fearful, especially those who have invested heavily in businesses. There are many fears with regard to job security too.

Added to this crisis, the European Council must also deal with the continuing difficulties with Italy and the ongoing rows about budgetary oversight. The Italian people and their leaders are simply not prepared to take threats about punitive financial penalties lying down and nor should they. They have seen what happened to us and to other member states like Greece in the past. Youth unemployment in Italy is over 30%, which is staggering. The population is expected to face declining living standards, lowered prospects for upward mobility and high unemployment. This is the next crisis. The hard men in Brussels might not get away with their tough talk so easily when it comes to the Italians. Yet again, the EU leadership is adopting a hardline approach to this issue which is astonishing the Italian people. It is also antagonising them. They are starting to look over their shoulders and to understand why the British voted for Brexit. As I said, the Italian people and their leaders are not prepared to take threats about punitive financial penalties lying down.

These issues point to massive levels of disruption up ahead.

We know that if the UK economy is hit, we will suffer badly. As I always say, if England catches a cold, we get the flu. The UK is our nearest trading partner. Many Irish people live there and many of our businesses are intertwined. If Italy enters a severe debt crisis, the entire European economy will suffer major damage. That these two scenarios look more likely than ever is deeply concerning to my constituents, throughout Tipperary from Carrick-on-Suir, Clonmel and Cashel to Thurles, Roscrea, Templemore and Nenagh, including the farming community. There is already an astonishing crisis in the beef industry and many other farming sectors. It is shocking.

I could not finish without saying something about the uncaring attitude at EU level towards the persecution of Christians, as well as Muslim and other minorities, in the Middle East. Yemen was mentioned, where there is an atrocious war. I recently visited the Middle East and the situation there is shocking. Countries such as France and England export massive amounts of weapons to countries in the region, thereby helping to heap destruction on men, women and children. The war in Yemen is savage war. I have tried on several occasions - since I first went there 2011 - to have a meaningful debate in the House about the persecution of Christians and other minorities in Middle Eastern countries such as Yemen. I have received no support and there is no appetite across all the parties. They are able to unify for everything else. They unified for months to repeal the eighth amendment to the Constitution and to rush legislation through the House, but there has been no debate on this issue. They have turned a blind eye to it because we might offend someone in Europe. It is outrageous but I thank the Ceann Comhairle who allowed four of us, Deputies O'Keeffe, Grealish, me and one other, to engage in a Topical Issue debate on Holy Thursday evening a couple of years ago. That is all we got. Were it not for the Ceann Comhairle, we would have got nothing.

The parties have turned a blind eye to this issue in order to be the good boys and girls of Europe and to salute the EU. When it says "Jump", the parties ask "How high?" The Minister of State has done all the jumping, the box-ticking and the tours of European capitals, and she has received support for the country, which must be recognised, but at what price was it? Cén costas a bhí leis sin? That is my worry. What is going on behind closed doors and to what are we signed up? We signed up to the UN declaration on migrants this week. What else have we signed up to or exposed ourselves to without any debate in Parliament?

The media also have a role to play, and I extol them to be more investigative and energetic in talking about these issues and the lack of debate on them in Parliament. Last week, the decks were able to be cleared of any business to ensure a horrific abortion Bill could be rushed over the line. There was co-operation from all the parties. Even expressions of sympathy for Fine Gael's former Taoiseach, the late Liam Cosgrave, were pulled from the agenda to accommodate the unified parties in ensuring the Bill's passage. The Fianna Fáil Party propped up Fine Gael on that issue more than anything else, against the wishes of its members as voted for at its Ard-Fheis, and now it seems there will be another year of the confidence and supply agreement.

Most people want rid of Theresa May because of the appalling way that housing, agriculture, children etc. have been neglected.

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