Michael Collins (Cork South West, Independent) | Oireachtas source

Had they searched the legislation, they would have quickly discovered that the Bill makes no mention of disability. Unfortunately, the majority of the media also chose not to challenge the Minister on the spin that was put out. He would like all of us to believe that if it is not specifically legal to abort on the ground of disability, it will somehow not happen in Ireland. That view is very naive.

In Germany, it is not specifically legal to abort a baby on the grounds of disability, yet some 90% of babies with prenatal diagnosis of Down's syndrome are aborted there. How does that happen? These abortions are usually certified on the grounds of risk to the mental health of the mother. Section 12 allows abortion until viability and until the birth on the grounds of risk of serious harm to the mental health of the mother, in line with Dr. Peter Boylan's assertion that if a woman says the matter is serious, it is serious. It is hard to see how the German loophole will not also find its way to Ireland. Deputy Coppinger tried to make the same point in the Chamber last night that a woman should get to decide how serious a serious risk to her health is. What situation will the Bill lead to in Ireland? Will disability be a specifically allowed ground for abortion? No permission to abort is given based specifically on a disability. It is not, however, "specifically excluded", to use the Minister's words. The Bill is silent on the highly controversial matter of abortion on the grounds of disability, despite all the Minister's fine words before the referendum. His promises are not worth the paper on which they were written.

The Minister deliberately misled the public about what the Bill would permit or prohibit. He remains defiant and determined to be the only lawmaker who can make any changes to the Bill. My fellow Deputies and I were all elected to shape the legislation of this country, and we have the opportunity to ensure Ireland does not follow countries like the UK, Germany, Denmark and Iceland into the eugenic black hole into which they have fallen, where the lives of more than 90% of all babies diagnosed with Down's syndrome in the womb are intentionally ended. We must not allow our unborn babies with disabilities to be discriminated against so callously.

We have made so much progress in recent years in how we treat every member of society with respect and dignity. Who could forget the Special Olympics in Ireland, when we showed the world we valued every person regardless of his or her level of ability or disability or level of additional needs? Many tourists and visitors to Ireland remark how many children and people with Down's syndrome there are. They often make the mistake of thinking it is a condition that is more prevalent here than in other countries, but the truth dawns on them when they realise it is simply because we allow these children to be born and we allow them to live. Children and adults living with Down's syndrome are nothing to be afraid of and, in many cases, bring much joy to their families and communities. That is what makes us different. A diagnosis of disability in Ireland is not an almost automatic death sentence.

Today, we will decide whether we will allow a prenatal diagnosis of a disability to put a target on a child's back or mark the child out for special protection. To think that because it is not specifically legal means it will not happen is to bury one's head in the sand. If Deputies want to ensure the people's desire to protect unborn babies with disabilities from discrimination, and if they want to protect baby girls from abortion simply because they are female, they need to support the amendment. It is not about being pro-life, pro-choice or pro-abortion; rather, it is about human rights.

See this speech in context