Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

Tairgim leasú Uimh. 2:

To insert the following after “an integral part of the Draft Agreement”:

“— further resolves that the rights of citizens in the North are protected and vindicated as outlined in the Joint report from the negotiators of the European Union and the United Kingdom Government on progress during phase 1 of negotiations under Article 50 TEU on the United Kingdom's orderly withdrawal from the European Union, published in December 2017.”

Táim fíorbhuíoch as an deis labhairt ar an rún tábhachtach seo um thráthnóna agus leasú a bhogadh ar son Teachtaí Shinn Féin. This is an important motion and I hope all Members support it along with the amendment I have moved in the name of Sinn Féin Deputies.

Earlier this year we marked the 20th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement. It was, and remains, an agreement that, despite the challenges and difficulties that remain as a result of the partition of our country, we can collectively hold up as an illustration that tolerance and inclusivity will ultimately always triumph over division and mistrust. The first line of the Good Friday Agreement reads: "We, the participants in the multi-party negotiations, believe that the agreement we have negotiated offers a truly historic opportunity for a new beginning." That it was. Over the past 20 years our island has changed beyond recognition. Children born today in Belfast, Cork, Derry, Galway or here in Dublin are born to a society that is now more prosperous, open and tolerant. It is a society that is more confident and outward looking. It is a country that is, in almost every respect, better. That is because our fear and suspicion gave way to hope and because we all collectively embraced peace. There have been ups and downs, setbacks and knocks along the way, but the trajectory has been constant. We have moved, and we are moving, forward.

Yet, there is a problem and that problem is Brexit. Our island's progress and our island's future did not feature as part of the debate surrounding the Brexit referendum. Let us face it: the referendum was held primarily because of a squabble among the Tories. Ireland was, at best and as ever, an afterthought in the minds of the English establishment. No thought was given to our peace process, the Good Friday Agreement, the social and cultural fabric of our island or our island's shared economy.

Those on this island who voted - citizens in the North - recognised that it did not make sense for one part of our island to be inside the European Union and the other outside. That is why the electorate in the North, from all backgrounds, by the way, voted to remain. They did not consent to leave. This was not due to a fawning admiration for the EU – far from it - but was driven by common sense. Many a staunch unionist recognises that all-island trade, commerce, co-operation and movement are vital to our collective economic capacity and progress. Citizens recognise that it makes sense for Ireland in its entirety to be part of the same trading bloc and the same Single Market. That is what the people of the North want. That is what the people of the South want. That is why, since the Brexit referendum result became clear, we in Sinn Féin have been unequivocal in stating that Brexit represents the most serious social, economic and political threat to our island in a generation. It threatens to undermine the progress of the past 20 years. It threatens to undermine the new landscape of our island. It threatens the future of our country.

We have been clear in stating that the Government's approach to negotiations had to be guided by an appreciation of the fact that citizens in the North voted to remain and how this must be recognised and respected. We first put the case for a special deal that would take cognisance of the unique circumstances that present on our island. This meant ensuring no return to a hard border. It meant ensuring that citizens' rights are explicitly protected and that the Good Friday Agreement is held up in all its parts.

Many people have been rightfully acknowledged here this evening. I wish to recognise and appreciate the work of Michel Barnier and his colleagues. The Barnier deal agreed last week, on which we are voting today, is not perfect. I cannot even describe it as a good one, because the fact is there is no such thing as a good Brexit. Brexit is bad for our island, whatever the circumstances or whatever the deal on the table. We need to be clear on that. However, I acknowledge that last week's deal is one that mitigates some of the worst aspects of Brexit. There are other issues, including issues of citizens' rights, that ought to have been contained in the withdrawal agreement but do not feature. To that end we have submitted an amendment to the motion. It is submitted by way of additionality, not to take from the substance of the motion but to add to it. This is because we must ensure that rights are protected. We must ensure in practical ways that basic rights that are now taken for granted prevail into the future. We must ensure that citizens in the North continue to have access to the European Court of Human Rights and the European Court of Justice. We must ensure that citizens in the North continue to have access to third level education throughout Europe and to the EU health insurance card.

Issues pertaining to these rights and more were raised in some detail with the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste last week by a delegation of the four pro-remain parties in the North, namely, Sinn Féin, the SDLP, the Alliance Party and the Green Party. Our parties represent the majority view of citizens in the North. The DUP does not. It got it catastrophically wrong on Brexit and in the referendum debate and it has been wrong in its aftermath. It is also wrong about the draft agreement that is now on the table. It is disappointing and disturbing that the DUP has sought to take the side of Tory Brexiteers and UKIP over the needs and aspirations of citizens in the North and across the island. It has decided to be reckless and irresponsible. The truth is that ordinary citizens in the North, whether republican, nationalist, unionist, loyalist or otherwise, recognise that Brexit is not good and they want a deal that protects their livelihoods and future.

Sinn Féin speaks for all communities on this issue, not narrow interests. We have consistently brought our view to Europe, the Irish Government and the British Government over the past year and a half. When we first articulated a policy of special status for the North, some of the parties in this House accused us of grandstanding and claimed our approach was unrealistic. It has since become the agreed EU position in negotiations. I welcome that and acknowledge the shift in the Government’s position. I believe we have made an impact in that regard. I pay particular tribute to my party colleague and Member of the European Parliament for the North of Ireland, Martina Anderson, who has been extremely active at European level in pushing all of these bottom line requirements.

I made the point on previous occasions that Brexit is not a temporary phase. It has consequences that are very real, lasting and enduring. They are for keeps and we need a solution to match, one that is lasting and not time bound or temporary. That is why I so strenuously put the case here a fortnight ago that a temporary or transitory backstop was not a backstop at all. Temporary protections mean no protection. We need permanent guarantees regardless of the machinations at Westminster over the coming weeks. There can be no backsliding from the backstop. It must be durable, permanent and legally robust. There must never, ever be a hard border in Ireland again. In fact, we need to move to a point where there is no border. In that regard, there is considerable merit in looking at the post-Brexit environment through a new lens. In time, I believe we will collectively come to the conclusion that the real, lasting guarantee we desire is the unity of our country. It is, I believe, safe to say that there are now many within unionism who are assessing old allegiances. That is not to say that they are not British; they are and always will be British. However, I believe that a significant number of people who would traditionally have staunchly opposed any notion of unity have been challenged to ponder the future. A large number of unionists recognise the benefits of continuing and enhancing all-Ireland co-operation and breaking down barriers.

We are on the road to a unity referendum. It is no longer a case of if but rather when. Sinn Féin has made it very clear to Theresa May that, in the event of a Brexit crash-out or a no deal scenario, it will be incumbent on the British Government to put the constitutional future of the North to the people by way of a unity referendum. The Irish Government should articulate that same position. It should, in any event, commence a discussion with the European Commission and other institutions to explore their role and support in facilitating an efficient process of reunification. If the people of the North are to be disregarded by London and have their futures toyed with by a British Government that has no regard for Ireland, then the people of the North should have their say. This is a reasonable position which I believe all parties in the Dáil could support. The European Council, on 29 April 2017, agreed that in the event of national reunification the whole of our island will automatically be afforded membership of the European Union. That is right, proper and welcome. All options must be on the table as we shape the future.

There are other big issues to consider. Britain leaving the EU presents new challenges, but also a new opportunity to reassess our entire approach to Europe. This will be important work. If we are to be honest, we should acknowledge that the British did not decide to leave the EU for no reason. While the Brexit debate centred in the main on immigration and became mired in racism, xenophobia and Islamophobia, there are other serious matters to consider. Hundreds of millions of citizens are disillusioned with the European Union and believe it has become removed from its citizens. It is no longer seen by many as a vehicle for co-operation, but has become associated with elites with power and control. We must propose and initiate radical reform. It will not be easy, but it can be done. A social Europe can be built, one that cherishes its citizens and which, instead of placing narrow economic interests at its core, puts people front and centre.

Ireland’s place is in the European Union but the EU needs to change. We need to construct a democratic Europe and ensure that certain aspects of the current system are reformed. We must ensure that member states have a greater say in formulating positive policy. We want a Europe of equals, partnership and solidarity, one in which member states, in times of adversity, work together in the spirit of internationalist co-operation to collectively tackle the problems we face. We want a union which works together to build opportunity and prosperity, one that can respond when a member state faces economic difficulties or hundreds of thousands of displaced peoples look for the assistance of a prosperous and peaceful region of the world.

Europe can play a role as a catalyst for co-operation and progress on the big issues that affect all of us, including trade, climate change, human rights, regulation, migration and immigration. It is notable that the debate under way on the future of Europe does not focus on these issues. In a time of political flux following Brexit, there is a danger that the simplistic narrative being peddled by some, that a more federal Europe will cure the ills of the EU, will prevail. That is in spite of most recent studies that show that a majority of citizens in Europe do not support the transfer of further powers to Brussels. They do not want more Europe, they want better Europe. The EU needs to begin listening to citizens. It needs to move away from a bureaucratic model intended for the benefit of a few and towards a social Europe which reflects the interests of the many. That is the only way to address the imbalance of power we currently have.

The withdrawal agreement on offer is not perfect, but it is reasonable. It is the least worst option, given the cards that have been dealt, and we will support it. There is an onus on political leaders to do what is right to defend our country’s political and economic interests. That has guided us in Sinn Féin. We have supported the Government and the European negotiating team in their endeavours and attempt to get the best deal possible. We want that as the final outcome, and that should be the position of everybody on this island. We want to avert the imposition of a hard border, ensure the protection of citizens’ rights and, crucially, ensure that the hard-won gains and progress of the past 20 years are not squandered but are built on. We can do that with this deal but, more important, with a lot of hard work, we can deliver. I urge support for the motion before the Dáil and the Sinn Féin amendment.

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