Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity) | Oireachtas source

Anti-choice billboards carry the slogan "One of us". On the billboards with pictures of foetuses there is something or, more precisely, someone obviously missing: the person who can become pregnant. The absence of women betrays the real viewpoint of the most reactionary and right-wing anti-choice campaigners. In their world view women - pregnant women in particular - are not one of us but, rather, merely vessels for foetuses. The referendum is an opportunity to say pregnant and other women are one of us.

They should not have a constitutional provision interfering with their health care or denying their bodily autonomy. Sheila Hodgers, whose cancer medication was stopped when she became pregnant and who was denied a caesarean section for the same reason, died yesterday 35 years ago as a result. She was one of us. Savita Halappanavar was one of us. Miss X was one of us. Miss P was one of us. Countless women, with letters and names, were treated horrifically and their health and lives were endangered as a consequence of the odious eighth amendment. They were and all are one of us. The 170,000 women who have been forced to travel to access abortion - they are all one of us. We have a unique opportunity to right an historic wrong by removing that barbaric provision from the Constitution.

Across the country, in pro-choice groupings such as in Tallaght tonight, in colleges, schools and workplaces people are discussing how we can win, how we can seize the opportunity. I think it is worth looking back at the historic victory for marriage equality. In a country where, let us remember, homosexuality was criminalised until 1993, we won a "Yes" vote of 62%, with the highest turnout for a referendum since the divorce referendum in 1995. That transformation happened because of a social movement, bigger and bigger Pride parades and thousands demonstrating for marriage equality. In the run up to the referendum, let us remember how the "Yes" badges were ubiquitous. People were consciously making a statement that they supported marriage equality. Activists turned out and had conversations on doorsteps, in homes and in workplaces. They explained the need for equality and challenged prejudice. Young people, women and working class communities led the way in terms of "Yes" votes. The youth mobilisation was seen in the #HomeToVote phenomenon and in the 66,000 mostly young people who added their names to the supplementary electoral register in order to vote. Young people turned out overwhelmingly to vote. In Fingal, for example, 96% of newly registered voters came out to vote. Working class areas came out to vote "Yes". In Coolock the turnout was 88%. In the Liberties it was 88%. In Cherry Orchard it was 90%. It was 70% in Moyross and 72% in South Hill. In Jobstown it was 87%.

What are the lessons of that victory now? The first is that the conservative "silent majority" is a myth. The source of the conservative nature of the State is not to be found in the attitudes of ordinary people, but rather in the backward nature of a capitalist political establishment which has historically rested on the church as a means of social control. The second is that the force required to achieve change and to win the kind of progressive society based on equality that the majority of people want is a movement of people from below. The same lessons are also present from the struggle that has got us this far towards repealing the eighth amendment. The reason we have a referendum is because of a groundswell of public opinion against the current repressive backward abortion regime. This was driven by an active movement from below when people came out onto the streets after the death of Savita Halappanavar five years ago to say "never again". Tens of thousands demonstrated in protests that grew year on year. Just like the "Yes" badges, the "repeal" symbol is all around - on bags, jumpers and badges. Two weeks ago, on International Women's Day in Dublin, one could see just how young, radical and active the movement is. It is part of a global movement led by young people and women for equality, freedom and choice. We saw on the same day the same movement mobilised 6 million people to demonstrate as part of a feminist strike in Spain. It is that grassroots movement which got us this far and it is that movement which will win the referendum campaign too.

We know we have to be prepared for a campaign of misinformation and lies. We caught a glimpse of that in recent weeks with the case of Noel Pattern whom the Save the 8th group claimed was a psychiatric nurse who was present during abortions. He turned out not to be a nurse at all. He admitted altering the document which he claimed was his nursing qualification. The hospital in which he claimed to work - passing instruments to surgeons between 2001 and 2005 - said he only worked in it for eight months in 2000 in a portering role. In the end, John McGurk, the campaign spokesperson, was only able to claim that "it cannot be disproved that Mr. Pattern was never present during an abortion." That is a long way from the claims on his video that he saw foetuses left on shelves for four or five days. Tribute must be paid to those on Twitter and the journalists who exposed the truth about Noel Pattern. The same approach, unfortunately, will be required again and again in the coming months.

I wish to address some of the points made in the debate so far by Deputies who spoke against repeal of the eighth amendment. Deputy Mattie McGrath made a big play for this debate being rushed. He should tell that to the 170,000 women forced to travel since 1983. The amendment has been in the Constitution for 35 years. In recent years there have been two repeal Bills and two fatal foetal abnormality Bills. Those who can become pregnant today did not have the right to vote in 1983. Entire generations of women have had no say on the issue and now they have to be listened to and they cannot be told that attempting to listen or giving them the right to have a say is rushing things. Deputy Fitzpatrick called on us to consider adoption as a "life-saving alternative to abortion", as did Deputy Butler. However, they failed to mention what must happen before adoption. They are talking about forcing a woman to go through pregnancy, followed by a forced birth, followed by adoption. Their alternative literally means using women as vessels, as in The Handmaid’s Tale.

Deputy Kevin O'Keeffe declared that access to abortion pills online "is a manifestation of global interference in our society." Does he believe that women being able to travel to access abortions in Britain or the Netherlands is similarly a manifestation of global interference? Is he in favour of preventing women from travelling so that Catholic Ireland can be saved from so-called global interference? I hate to break it to the Deputy, but abortion existed long before the Internet. He also admitted that he "did not read the reports of the Citizens' Assembly or of the joint committee entirely", which did not stop him opposing their recommendations. What he, Deputy Tóibín, and all of those opposed to repeal have emphasised is the proposal for access to abortion up to 12 weeks on request. Given that Deputy O'Keeffe did not bother to read the reports, I will summarise some of the key evidence which was given and which he can read in the transcripts, which led to the recommendation by the Oireachtas committee for abortion to be available up to 12 weeks. Fundamental to that is the point that the Citizens' Assembly recommended 12 weeks on request after being presented with the facts. Those facts include that 12 weeks is the basis of most abortion laws around the world, including across Europe; that pills and abortion before 12 weeks cover 92% of abortions; and that 15% of people go past the 12 weeks currently because they have difficulty in making arrangements for travel because of financial difficulties, child care and work, among other issues. That delay would be eliminated by legislation providing for abortion up to 12 weeks on request. Additional facts include that the abortion pill is perfectly safe, as highlighted by the World Health Organization; the increasing number of people using the pills regardless of the law and the problem of the criminalisation of people using pills given that it acts as a deterrent to people seeking aftercare if needed; and the difficulty in legislating only for rape and incest, as it would require some form of proof.

Just as the Citizens' Assembly proposed to make provision for abortion up to 12 weeks after hearing all the evidence, we should be confident that the public will support 12 weeks on request if people hear all the evidence. We have to explain upfront and clearly why legislation that will make a tangible difference to women and pregnant people in Ireland is crucial. I think we can be confident that a significant majority can be convinced of the need for abortion access which provides for the 92% of women who make the decision. A crucial part of that is explaining the multiple reasons women need to access abortion services. Those reasons are made very real and personal by the excellent Facebook page, "In Her Shoes - Women of the Eighth", which should be required reading for those campaigning to maintain the eighth amendment so that they can see the consequences. I will outline one example:

I was in an abusive relationship, I had a two year old daughter, struggling to make a life for her and I.

I had summoned the courage to make him leave.

I found out I was pregnant.

I was scared at what kind of life my daughter and I would have, and the new baby, as a mother on my own...

I decided the best option for all of us was my baby inside would be better off in spirit than with us. That I could give my two year old daughter a better life with just two of us.

I had to ask my family for money to travel to the UK.

She further states:

Myself and my mam took the plane to Liverpool. Flights were extortionate, money we didn't have.

Feeling rotten when I had to go to work the next day and pretend I was "normal" with cramps in my tummy, antibiotics that the clinic had given me "just in case" making me sick, and being afraid to approach my GP for medical care because I felt ashamed for making the best possible decision as a mother in my head for my daughter and I.

That woman is one of us too. We need to repeal the eighth amendment.

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