Simon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

I thank the Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

With regard to the Good Friday Agreement and the Executive, the way it will be done is through human interaction where people will start to trust each other and agree to compromise. Some of the earlier commentary in interpreting what had happened in the past nine months was not accurate. I have no quarrel with Fianna Fáil on the North. Fianna Fáil leaders have done great things for Northern Ireland and I have spoken to Bertie Ahern on this issue to get his perspective on some of the personalities with whom we are trying to negotiate. I have no quarrel either with Deputy Micheál Martin, but if people are going to start drawing conclusions from how they perceive the negotiations went in the past eight or nine months, they could, at least, ask me privately about what happened before commenting publicly.

That is my only quarrel here because I believe Deputy Micheál Martin wants the same things for Northern Ireland that I want. The truth is that these negotiations happened in private and there was no political media management around those negotiations. There was virtual media silence for eight months, coming from both the DUP and Sinn Féin but also both Governments. Virtually nothing was said, which was hugely frustrating for the other three parties and for many others who care about Northern Ireland and its future, but we believed in providing that environment for the two parties to begin to trust each other again, and the two negotiating teams to tease through multiple issues, including concerns around legacy, parades, the petition of concern, bill of rights, marriage equality and the Irish language. There were 12 or 14 really difficult issues on which they had to find a middle ground. By and large, they managed to do that in the end within the confines of that quite protected political environment where the two Governments tried to create the space for the leadership and the negotiating teams of Sinn Féin and the DUP to find a way of doing that. Unfortunately, it was in the aftermath of a proposed solution, when the debate in terms of what might be in that became more public, that it started to unravel on one side, and that is hugely regrettable. I believe the trust that had been built up over that nine months, but particularly in January and February, has been fundamentally undermined even further over the past three weeks because there has been tit for tat commentary on who said what, who agreed what, etc., and that is unfortunate.

I am conscious that I am only speaking to one of the parties concerned in the House this evening but there is a big obligation on Sinn Féin, which has a clear and strong leadership and focus in its negotiating team. Of course, there is an obligation on the DUP too. There is a particular obligation on both parties to resist the temptation to have a go at each other, to tone down language, which there has been an effort at doing, and to find a way of privately re-engaging. The Governments will do all they can to encourage that. Also, the Governments are talking in detail about how they can re-energise and restart a process that perhaps will be more inclusive this time - the structures will be different - and involve the other three parties in a much more real and direct way because I think that is necessary.

I defend the strategy that we adopted which, in terms of achieving compromises in difficult areas, worked in terms of the negotiating teams and their engagement to the credit of both parties. The unravelling of that, for both Governments, was both a surprise and an enormous frustration, but that is where we are and we need to pick up the pieces and put them back together. There was a need to allow a little time to pass but my experience in Northern Ireland is that time does not solve problems. In fact, sometimes it makes them worse.

Unfortunately, we have a series of extra complications in trying to get a deal done in Northern Ireland between the two large parties and the others which is linked to a very difficult Brexit negotiation. It is also linked, obviously, to the relationship between the DUP and the British Government in the context of that Brexit negotiation and the tensions, unfortunately, that have occurred at different moments in those Brexit negotiations when the Irish Government has had to take a stand on certain issues which have caused stresses and strains, in particular, with the DUP, and at times with the British Government too, although at no point in the Brexit negotiations has the relationship on Northern Ireland between the British and Irish Governments been strained. My relationships with the former Secretary of State, Mr. James Brokenshire MP, and his successor, Ms Karen Bradley MP, are very good. I still maintain contact with James Brokenshire even though he is no longer in that position. He is a very fine person, as, indeed, is Karen.

One can expect that after the St. Patrick's Day travels the two Governments will really try to re-energise an effort to get this process back on track. Some of what Deputy Micheál Martin stated tonight is absolutely true. When one considers what parties in Northern Ireland coming from such a different background and perspective managed to achieve 20 years ago on enormous issues it can, I hope, put some context on the barriers to progress right now around structures in terms of Irish language legislation and trying to counterbalance that with recognising the diversity of culture and language in Northern Ireland in a broader context.

In relation to legacy, we are absolutely committed to this. Families, of whom I have met many, need a process that moves towards the truth. We cannot have amnesties. We cannot have different standards applying to different communities or different people. Whether one is a unionist or a nationalist, whether one is a former member of the Defence Forces or the British Army, the same rules should apply to everybody here in terms of establishing the truth. We will work with the British Government to ensure that we can influence positively the consultation that will take place and be launched, I hope, shortly, on that legacy process consultation. Of course, we also want to see the financing of legacy inquests being forthcoming, as has been called for by the chief justice in Northern Ireland. Just in case my comments are interpreted as only an ask of the British Government, we recognise the responsibilities that we, as a Government, have to pass legislation that can help get to the truth of inquests that are currently taking place or will take place in Northern Ireland. What I mean by this is passing groundbreaking legislation which we are committed to doing, and which the Minister for Justice and Equality, Deputy Charlie Flanagan, is bringing forward, which will allow hearings for inquests in Northern Ireland to essentially hear evidence here in Dublin and the High Court to get to the bottom and truth of some of the atrocities that have taken place in Northern Ireland - Kingsmill being the best example but I am sure there are others.

I take Deputy Howlin's commentary on board. I suspect his view is shared by many others in the House. Our engagement on Northern Ireland needs to be more comprehensive than it currently is. Perhaps some of the frustrations in Fianna Fáil would not be what they are if there were a forum that could tease through what is happening, why it is happening, why the Governments are taking the approaches they are, some of the difficulties Sinn Féin has faced and some of the difficulties unionism genuinely faces in terms of the politics they are currently trying to grapple and deal with in Northern Ireland.

I believe all of the parties want devolved government. The Governments have to find a way of getting that deal done, in particular, between the two large parties, but in a more inclusive way in the next round of negotiations that involves the other three parties as well. I look forward to the support and co-operation of all parties in the House to get it done. I commit this evening to bringing forward some new ideas which we can share with the other parties on ways in which we can have a more comprehensive engagement on a regular basis on the issues in Northern Ireland.

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