Róisín Shortall (Dublin North West, Social Democrats) | Oireachtas source

It is quite ironic that twice in the past few months, this Government has had a very good photo opportunity scuppered by the DUP. We all remember that day in December just gone, when journalists watched and waited outside Government Buildings for the Taoiseach to appear and announce that a deal would happen that would allow the UK to progress to phase two of the Brexit negotiations. The DUP had other ideas and, embarrassingly, we were left looking at a cancelled press conference with no deal to be seen. Fast forward a few weeks to Belfast, another chance for a photo opportunity on a so-called "closed deal" and another embarrassing misfire - no deal, no news, and it was back to Dublin.

In many ways, this approach is emblematic of the Irish approach to Northern Ireland over some years now, showing up when the deal is done but not putting in sufficient effort to sustain and promote the cross-community governance that was agreed to 20 years ago in 1998. The Social Democrats takes a somewhat different view from other parties in respect of Northern Ireland. While we accept that the Good Friday Agreement and the associated suite of agreements will remain the cornerstone of Northern Ireland policy, we strongly believe that a fundamental rethink of the type of governance is urgently required. The reality is that Stormont is stale, the model of power sharing that was agreed in 1998 is dysfunctional and the voices of those who wish to move beyond the orange and green divide are systematically excluded.

In many ways, the status quoof direct rule suits everybody. Sinn Féin can appear to be whiter than white in pushing its requests, the DUP can revert to its "Never, never, never" position and the British and Irish Governments can retreat to their minimalist and hands-off approach to the impasse. My party believes that these positions are unacceptable. They are not in line with the principles of the Good Friday Agreement. They are incompatible with the roles of the two Governments as co-guarantors of the agreement and they do a disservice to the people of Northern Ireland at a time of great political uncertainty with Brexit looming.

The sad truth is that perhaps the most effective way to force both sides back to the table may actually be to fully implement the Good Friday Agreement. Elements of the deal, which the Irish Government is never shy of lauding, remain unimplemented or are now in serious peril owing to Brexit. Such elements include the promised bill of rights, the applicability of the European Court of Human Rights to Northern Ireland, the promised civic forum and so on. The two Governments should, in the absence of a cross-party agreement, push ahead strongly with implementing these elements of the agreement along with reforming the mechanisms of power sharing. The use of the petition of concern in Stormont should be re-examined in order to end its ongoing abuse as a stick to beat vulnerable groups in Northern Ireland.

The Social Democrats believe an enhanced Civic Forum, as originally constituted in 1998, is the one element of the deal that could force the parties back to the table. The Civic Forum, as a counterbalance to the "green and orange" straitjacket of Stormont, would serve as a voice for those whom the peace process has left behind and those groups that find themselves marginalised by the very nature of power-sharing but which continue to work for the community, women's organisations and those fighting for LGBT rights, community groups and so on.

In the past few weeks elements of the Brexit la-la land fringe in the Conservative Party have touted the Good Friday Agreement as an impediment to their imagined forthcoming splendid "isolation". Even since last week, the British Prime Minister has rejected out of hand elements of the so-called bulletproof deal from December as if they were new to her, while the Foreign Secretary has stated the Border will be comparable to crossing through different boroughs in London. There is no doubt that continuing uncertainty surrounding the British version of what Brexit will mean and the reliance of the Conservatives on the DUP at Westminster are complicating factors in seeking to break the current impasse. In the end the Agreement may prove to be the trump card against having a hard border in Ireland, but we should not forget that it came about as a result of a recent, long and terrible, conflict. It is incumbent on all sides to ensure the devolved government is restored, but it must be made to work for everyone in Northern Ireland, not simply be the hostage of the DUP and Sinn Féin.

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