Dáil debates

Wednesday, 7 March 2018

Northern Ireland: Statements

 

7:35 pm

Photo of Declan BreathnachDeclan Breathnach (Louth, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

I thank Deputy O'Sullivan for giving us some time to say a few words. The blame continues, even in this House tonight. As far as I am concerned, there is far too much shadow boxing relating to both Brexit and the formation of the Northern Assembly. Respect is a two-way process. In this House people are entitled to hold and express opinions, as in any democracy.

As far as I can see, some people and some parties thrive on crises. The solution is to stop shadow boxing and get down to the business of forming the assembly. In the interests of both countries, particularly the people of Northern Ireland, elected members, rather than engaging in squabbles and quarrels, need to take their seats in Westminster to ensure there is no prospect of a hard border. Having lived close to the Border for many years, I know that there is a middle ground on most issues. I often describe these people as the silent majority. Our children, whether nationalists or unionists, will not forgive us if we do not take the action that is required to ensure there is a soft border. The people of Northern Ireland are looking for leadership. We need to do what is right at this point.

The Good Friday Agreement has been the cornerstone of the fragile peace process in Northern Ireland. As mentioned by the Minister, any efforts by Brexiteers aimed at undermining the agreement are extremely unhelpful and risk undoing decades of hard work. We do not want to return to the days of the Troubles. In this context, we need also to be reminded that while the levels of violence post-Good Friday Agreement have disappeared from our television screens and the media, the reality is that in excess of 150 people have been killed in Northern Ireland since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement as a result of paramilitary activity on both sides, not to mention the hundreds of people that have been maimed. If one entered the term "paramilitarism in Northern Ireland" on Google one will come across at least three, if not four, instances in the last three or four days which show how fragile the peace process is.

The lack of agreement on reforming the assembly in the North has many consequences in this regard. Prior to Christmas, a Northern Ireland department of finance briefing paper set out how there could be significant staff reduction across the wider justice system, including in the PSNI and the prison service, which is shocking at a time when paramilitary threat remains alive. Only last week, the Chief Constable of the PSNI said that he feared that a fortified frontier or any attempt at a hard border, which would have to be policed around the clock, would put his officers' lives in great danger from anti-peace process paramilitaries. He outlined that there is still an ongoing threat from hardline factions from the New IRA and those using the names of the UVF and UDA who have split from those who bought into the dream of the peace process. He also said that in 2017 the PSNI, in its counter-terrorist operations, had made many arrests. Any attempt to water down or dumb down the Good Friday Agreement would be a retrograde step and I suggest that the Brexiteers who attempt to do such do not have a grasp of the important role the Good Friday Agreement has played in creating an all-Ireland economy and in encouraging communities, North and South, to face each other to create an island for all.

We cannot speak of the Good Friday Agreement without focussing on the legacy issues which, as mentioned by Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan, still exist on all sides of the divide, especially in the North of Ireland. Like Deputy O'Sullivan, I have been on many visits to Northern Ireland with the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. It is abundantly clear to me that the perspective of most people, whether nationalist or unionist, on most issues are identical. They feel let down and they feel that the legacy issues in particular have become generational. Those involved now have families and those families are suffering. On and on this cycle goes. We need a voice for the North to pave a way forward so that the framework of legacy institutions provided for under the Stormont House Agreement can be implemented. The failure of the parties in the North to form a functioning executive comes at one of the most critical times in the history of Northern Ireland. While the MLAs in the North still take their salaries and may still be doing parish pump work, they are not representing those who elected them or dealing with the issues that need to be dealt with in Northern Ireland in terms of education, health and the other issues referred to earlier by Deputy Howlin.

There is a lack of urgency on the part of the Irish and British Governments, and the protracted deep freeze of over a year of an impasse between the DUP and Sinn Féin is feeding into the zero sum politics that currently exist. This has debased real politics, despite the urgency of Brexit and the need for leadership as opposed to one-upmanship. It is incredible that so many democratically-elected Northern Ireland representatives cannot park the contentious issues and deal with the issues that are much more important at this point. Deputy Howlin referred earlier to the EY study published in December. It clearly shows that Ireland's GDP is expected to grow by 4.9% this year compared with 1.4% for Northern Ireland. The report goes on to say that the state of the economy of Northern Ireland is not helped by the absence of a devolved Government and that the economy in Northern Ireland remains challenged owing to inflation, reducing consumer spending and the absence of a Government, disrupting state spending programmes.

In regard to Brexit and the Border, the Prime Minister, Theresa May, said in her recent speech, "We chose to leave [...] we have a responsibility to find a solution." I would suggest the "we" is the royal we. The context and legal standing of the solutions which were put forward on December 15 were unclear and I welcome the proposal to put this text in a legal format. Prime Minister May also spoke about hard facts. She needs to listen to those on the ground, particularly those in the Border region, about the hard facts. I call on the parties concerned to park their differences in light of Brexit and to ensure the future peace and prosperity of this island. I respect the Irish language and I accept that there is need for respect in regard to all of the other issues but they need to be parked at this point.

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