Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

That is welcome. Where once the renewable heating initiative and Arlene Foster were so fundamental that the Executive and the Assembly had to be brought down, now they are barely worth a mention. I can certainly believe an agreement between the two parties at negotiator level was blocked subsequently by the DUP’s wider leadership. In this it is quite similar to the situation where an agreement reached by the late Martin McGuinness was blocked by the wider Sinn Féin leadership. The game of claim and counter claim was just as loud then. Fundamentally, the DUP's objections are worse than flawed. They are based on a refusal to address an important issue in the broader agenda of respect for diverse backgrounds. The procedure of three acts representing one overall policy is highly convoluted, but the net effect of what is being proposed is a reasonable accommodation which respects the Irish language and strengthens the distinct tradition of the Ulster Scots. If it was subject to a balanced legislative process and implemented without sectarian intent, the proposal has the capacity to take this issue away from the political sphere.

Is dona an mhaise go bhfuil an Ghaeilge tarraingthe isteach i lár easaontais i mBéal Feirste le roinnt blianta anuas. Tá sé sin ag imeacht go mór ó spiorad Chomhaontú Aoine an Chéasta agus comhaontuithe eile ina dhiaidh sin nuair a bhí Fianna Fáil páirteach go díreach sna cainteanna sin. Chreideamar riamh gur bealach é cultúr agus teanga le hathmhuintearas a chothú idir traidisiúin éagsúla seachas deighilt a chothú.

Nuair a bhí mise ag bunú coiste reachtúil chun maoirsiú a dhéanamh ar ábhair a chur ar fáil do scoileanna lán-Ghaeilge, chuir Sinn Féin in iúl dom go raibh siad i gcoinne obair an pháirtí a cheangal leis an ngné uileÉireann.

It is appalling that the Irish language has been allowed to be perceived as a sectarian issue. This goes against the reality of a history where it was absolutely not a means of dividing people. The Church of Ireland produced the first printed book in Irish. For centuries Protestants have been key leaders in every stage of the protection of the memory of the Gaelic language and traditions, including the language revival movement. My first visit to Northern Ireland, as Minister for Education and Science, was to look at Irish-medium education in west Belfast and discuss additional supports for teacher training to serve Irish-medium education. I also made funding available for supporting Irish language teaching materials that could be shared with schools in Northern Ireland. Nothing approaching the current party political divide on the issue was present at the time. The offensive and sectarian statements made by some DUP politicians bout the Irish language are reflective of a dramatic move backwards. While the recent speech of Arlene Foster was temperate and encouraging, the aggressive push-back against simple legislation should lead that party to reflect more.

The comment of the last Sinn Féin leader, Deputy Gerry Adams, that the equality agenda was “the Trojan horse of the republican strategy” caused immense long-term damage. He did not speak for the overwhelming majority and those comments are no excuse for blocking the legislation. The use of petitions of concern to block marriage equality is a clear abuse of a process which was purely designed to protect legitimate community interests. It is offensive that it can be used to prevent people from getting married and Fianna Fáil will support any reasonable agreement that will deliver marriage equality through overriding the illegitimate use of petitions of concern. Should these issues be overcome, it remains the fact that there will be another issue sometime soon that may lead to a similar breakdown. Unless we change the fundamental dynamic of discussions and engagement, the cycle of crisis, resolution, complacency and renewed crisis will continue. This is the fundamental challenge: how do we stop doing the same thing again and again? How do we return to the dynamic that previously delivered major breakthroughs and had broad support on all parts of this island and in Britain?

The situation has been made dramatically more difficult by the impact of the appalling Brexit process, but this does not mean that we should simply throw our hands in the air and give up on the Northern institutions. The strength and importance of the Good Friday Agreement are the reason Ireland has any real status in the Brexit negotiations. We have to expect some destructive Brexiteers to increase their pressure to undermine the Agreement. Let there be no doubt that a unilateral movement by the British Government to abrogate the Agreement would be a very dark moment in its history. It is an international agreement, assented to in referendums and parliamentary ratification. It is reflected in the domestic laws of both countries and acknowledged by international organisations. Nothing in the Brexit referendum gives it the right to abandon the Agreement. Doing so would mark a dramatic move away from the rule of law and destroy the United Kingdom's international status. Democratic states that respect laws do not unilaterally abrogate solemn agreements. To be fair to Prime Minister May, last week she stated she was absolutely committed to the Agreement. Let us take her at her word and act accordingly. The first requirement is that we re-establish some credible partnership with the government in London as leaders of the peace process, not just guarantors and participants.

As part of a wider tetchiness, the Tánaiste and the Taoiseach appear to be outraged at the idea that anyone should question them or the approach of their party towards the peace process in government. The Tánaiste, in particular, seems to believe anyone who questions him “doesn’t know what they are talking about."

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