Thomas Pringle (Donegal, Independent) | Oireachtas source

First, I acknowledge the hard work and informed research carried out by the members and the Chair of the Joint Committee on the Eighth Amendment of the Constitution over the course of four arduous months. It could not have been easy and the burden was huge but we are grateful that the committee members have done the groundwork to enable a constructive, respectful debate on the issue of abortion in this country.

The outcome of the Citizens' Assembly and committee prove that once armed with informed research and information and personal accounts of people's experiences, the compassionate support for the right of women to access abortion reveals itself overwhelmingly. I also believe that people are ready to engage on this issue and I am hopeful that the majority of the public will support a repeal.

There is a narrative in the media that this committee report is extreme in its liberalisation of abortion provision in this country. While I am supportive of the committee’s recommendations, I believe they do not go far enough and I am disappointed that unrestricted abortion provision only goes to 12 weeks. Legislation should provide for access to abortion after 12 weeks on broader grounds. My reason for this is that once we start introducing restrictions, inevitably someone will fall through the cracks and term limits inevitably become political and moral barriers which end up affecting the most vulnerable.

We need to acknowledge that every situation is unique and that we should support women no matter what choice they make about their bodies. For me, it is a fundamental human right for someone to enjoy bodily autonomy but right now in this country only men can enjoy that right.

I remind the House that the effects of the eighth amendment are all pervasive.

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The amendment restricts women on a number of fronts, including in regard to access to sexual health information owing to the Regulation of Information (Services outside the State for Termination of Pregnancies) Act 1995 and the issue of consent throughout the provision of maternity care, not to mention the fact that the amendment has accounted for one of the strictest abortion regimes in the world.

The committee is strong in emphasising that all women should have equal access to improved health care services, including basic services such as scanning and testing, and that these should be made available irrespective of geographic location or socioeconomic circumstances. All these services help to inform women to make the best choice for them, and this can be only a positive step for society. It will, however, be a resources issue. I encourage the Government to devise a national strategy that would see improved access to reproductive services for all women and girls, including better sexual health and relationship education, family planning services, contraception - including free contraception for medical card holders - perinatal hospice care, counselling and support services, and termination of pregnancy, if required. All are vital in every part of this country.

Not only have we denied women the right to health care in this country but we have also denied the existence of abortion. Abortion is a fact of life, and it will be always a fact of life. We have only to look at the statistics. Between January 1980 and December 2016, at least 170,000 women and girls travelled from the Republic of Ireland to access abortion services in another country. In 2016, 3,265 women and girls gave Irish addresses at UK abortion services. A 2016 report shows that 1,642 abortion pill packages were sent to Ireland in the three-year period between 2010 and 2012, and that was just by a single provider. These are the facts. We all know of people who supported women to get on planes to avail of services that should have been available in this country.

An interesting fact, which struck a chord with me, was that 70% of Irish women who seek an abortion in the UK are in a relationship while over half of them already have children. This statistic is from the advocacy group One Day More in the UK. We have to accept that life is complex and we need to face that complexity by supporting people making difficult life choices.

I acknowledge the committee's comment that the State should provide specific resources so that there would be social supports for carers and better facilities for people whose children have specific needs. People with disabilities should be supported so they can lead a life of dignity and respect. It is not a fair argument to equate abortion provision and disability-selective abortions because, again, each case is unique. I, for one, support women irrespective of the choice they make. Women's bodies should not be used to address the stigma around disability; rather, it is the job of the Government to make sure that society treats all its people equally regardless of disability. A separate debate on this is much needed but it does not belong here. One should not forget that people with disabilities are also affected by the eighth amendment, which restricts their rights to bodily autonomy and family planning.

Ultimately, the constitutional provision makes no legal sense and was inserted as a political weapon at the time of the referendum. For 34 years, the eighth amendment has been inherently ambiguous in its meaning and scope and the courts have not been able to fully clarify its content.

I want to end with a quote from the National Women's Council of Ireland which states, "...the person who can best protect and nurture a developing life is of course the pregnant woman herself. Not lawyers. Not judges. Certainly not the Constitution."

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