Declan Breathnach (Louth, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

This is my first opportunity to wish the Minister well in his role, which I do. It is a difficult position. I have always commended the all-Ireland dialogue, which I have attended to date. Unfortunately, I will not be able to do so on Thursday as I have other business in Jersey relating to the British-Irish Parliamentary Association. That said, I note the lack of devolved government in the North. It is my understanding from dealing with both community groups and the wider sector up there, that this particular dialogue was to be an all-Ireland dialogue. A previous Taoiseach gave a commitment to take one of those dialogues to the North. While I accept that some break-outs took place there, the voice of the people in the North of Ireland and their anxieties and concerns should be heard. In the absence of devolved government, that voice has to come from us. I suggest some mechanism be found to bring their views to the table. They expressed them at the ballot box but it is important to note that they feel no one is listening to them. While I accept that quite a number of people came from the North of Ireland from industry and large organisations, it is the people on the ground who are going to be affected in the fragile peace process alluded to by Deputy Donnelly. I note also the position of the island communities. I visited the island community of Rathlin. Equally, there are island communities around this country who have not had an opportunity to have their say and who will be even more greatly affected than ourselves.

That said, I want to record my view. It is not necessarily Fianna Fáil's view, in which regard it is time we had greater debate on this issue and what is happening. Last Friday, Theresa May gave an historic speech in Florence where she informed the assembled media that the UK would stay in the Single Market and customs union until the middle of 2021. The Minister, Deputy Coveney, has suggested it may even be beyond that. That more or less ties the hand of the EU and puts a stay on Article 50, which would have seen the UK leave the EU in 2019 even if no agreements were in place. That was the so-called "cliff-edge Brexit". These is no doubt in my mind that Theresa May knew exactly what she was doing in stating the UK's intention not to leave the EU until mid-2021. She picked that date because it coincides with her obligation to have an election before 6 May 2021. What she did in Florence was to guarantee that the British electorate will have a ballot-box decision before any changes happen in the UK's working relationship with the EU. In my reading of it, that is a seismic change in the political landscape.

If May has changed the whole ball game, we in Ireland can change our approach and strategy also. I have said before that it should not be called "Brexit" but rather "Fixit". Even now, there is an emerging opinion in the UK that they may not leave the EU. In my opinion that view is gathering momentum. I have said it and on my head be it. For some inexplicable reason, Irish politicians do not feel comfortable making statements like "Brexit is not going to happen". There is a misplaced political decorum that makes us feel we cannot be seen to interfere in British politics. It is absurd to persist with such a stance. By voting to leave the EU, the British shot both themselves and us in the foot. The vote could wreck all the good work achieved in our fragile peace process. I know that and so do the Border Deputies. Nevertheless, we stand by and engage in the niceties with our British counterparts.

What has happened was inevitable and should have been Theresa May's position years ago. It is at last a solid affirmation that leaving the EU will not be the walk in the park the Leave campaign dishonestly peddled. Unfortunately, her speech made no advancement in terms of outlining a vision for a final deal nor what the unique solution for Ireland will look like despite the fact that there is barely a year to go before a ratification process. The invisible border is not an open one. The one and only way to avoid a hard border is by staying in the customs union. Another solution may be for Northern Ireland to remain in the Single Market or in the EU or both. This would be difficult to deal with under world trading rules, but all of these ideas deserve exploration. Everyone agrees the common travel area must be maintained, but preparation needs to be made now and as a matter of urgency. We need clarity on what leaving the customs union means for trade. The Good Friday Agreement and the many strands associated with it, to which the Minister referred, could be used as a mechanism to reach a successful conclusion for all, in particular having regard to our trading issues.

I note that 98% of businesses are not prepared for Brexit despite the fact that moneys are being offered. Even the major consulting firms are struggling to sell their advisory work. If that is happening, there are a large number of people out there who believe it is a "Fixit" that is needed. We need to get real in that regard.

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