Pearse Doherty (Donegal, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

Cuirim fáilte roimh an plé seo anocht sa Dáil. Níl dabht ar bith go mbeidh thar na míonna agus na blianta amach romhainn go leor plé agus scansáil ar an Bhreatimeacht agus na himpleachtaí agus na deacrachtaí a bheidh ann. Tá an díospóireacht tosaithe ó bhí an vóta caite ag muintir na Sé Chontae agus ag muintir na Breataine. Mar a dúirt an Teachta Ó Caoláin, labhair siad amach go soiléir i dTuaisceart na hÉireann agus dúirt siad go raibh siad ag iarraidh fanacht taobh istigh den Aontas Eorpach. Anois cífimid go bhfuil siad á thabhairt amach as an Aontas Eorpach in éadan a dtola. Labhair go leor dúinn sa Teach seo fá dtaobh de Chomhaontú Aoine an Chéasta agus na prionsabail atá taobh thiar den chomhaontú sin, go háirithe an prionsabal ó thaobh consent de. Is é sin ná nach chóir go mbeadh aon rud curtha ar mhuintir na Sé Chontae nach bhfuil an tromlach ag aontú leis. Seo sampla maith ina bhfuil an prionsabal sin caite ar leataobh.

We need to recognise that there is an overwhelming national interest at play on all sides in regard to Brexit. However, when it comes to the Government, in particular Fine Gael, it believes it has a right to speak for all of the island in terms of its own policy on the issue. The reason I say this is the position it has adopted in the Brexit negotiations is a conservative one rooted in partitionism. It is not the approach that is needed and not the mandate it should pursue.

This House has spoken very clearly on the issue. It has stated clearly that Dáil Éireann supports special designated status for the North. The majority of parties represented in the Assembly have adopted the exact same position. The majority of civic society, the people, believe that is what is required. Farmers, workers' organisations and business leaders in almost every sector want special status, yet the Fine Gael-led Government chooses to ignore that overwhelming demand. Just last week we saw the European Parliament's chief negotiator make comments on special designated status for the North of Ireland. Let me say it again to the Government. There is genuine goodwill across the European Union, from the bureaucracy to the leadership, on the suggestion the North should not be sacrificed on the Tory altar of reactionary foolishness. Let us make the demand central to the negotiations that will take place in the weeks, months and years ahead in order to start building for special designated status. Let us start breaking it down to see what it means and how we can achieve it in real terms.

Those in Fine Gael are in the way of the will of the people on this issue and have made themselves an obstacle to genuine progress for the people. They must reassess their stance, go back to their constituencies and listen to their neighbours, families and the people who will be impacted on by Brexit.

They must listen to the will of the Dáil, the majority of parties in the North and, indeed, the people in the North.

Likewise, the Government is not fighting Ireland's corner when it comes to looking for renegotiation or recognition of what the reality of Brexit will mean for this country, North and South, east and west. Fine words are well and good, but what we need is concrete action. When I say "concrete action", I mean that we need to be examining the exemptions built into the existing treaties, for example, state aid to allow for more investment in certain sectors in industry where necessary. This is possible, if we make this central to our negotiation stance. Let us look at the European Globalisation Fund, which in my party's view needs to be re-calibrated to fight the shock of Brexit in industries before the shock takes place and the redundancies are made to ensure that sectors, such as the mushroom sector Deputy Ó Caoláin talked about, are supported through that fund so that they can ride out the storm that will undoubtedly come, and has come in some areas, as a result of Brexit. The fiscal rules have built into them exemptions that can be unlocked if Ireland places them central to its negotiation strategy. We need to ensure that they are used so that we can invest, North and South, to limit the effects of Brexit on the island of Ireland, particularly through capital and other investment.

There are other areas, such as the Structural Funds, where we need to be making a case, for example, for more flexibility and greater co-financing. In that regard, we also need to ensure in these negotiations that Ireland is put at the front of the queue, not at the middle or end of the queue, when it comes to EU transport and infrastructure projects. That is what fighting for Ireland and putting Ireland's interests first and centre stage looks like. It is not what Fine Gael is doing at present. There needs to be a proper assessment of the impacts of Brexit, but particularly in terms of our Northern comrades.

There also needs to be an open and honest debate. There are 33 documents held within three different Departments about Border controls being established - contingency plans by Revenue. Three different Departments have had presentations, Ministers included, in relation to that, but not one of those documents is being released to Members of this House or to the public. We need to have an open debate about what the real consequences of Brexit will look like. My community and Deputy Ó Caoláin's community need to know that there are contingency plans here, that there are dozens of documents and presentations-----

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