Maureen O'Sullivan (Dublin Central, Independent) | Oireachtas source

I respect the democratic mandate of the electorate in Britain, which means Brexit, but Northern Ireland and Scotland did not vote to leave. There are questions around the will and the decision of those electorates when they are still part of the British empire and not in the EU where they voted to remain. It is still incredible that there was such a lack of in-depth discussion or exploration in Britain on the implications of leaving the EU. It became focused on the issue of migration and how much Britain was going to save by not being in the EU, and then there was the huge gamble taken with Northern Ireland, the Good Friday Agreement and the peace and stability that has been achieved. While the Good Friday Agreement is not perfect, there is a generation of Northern Ireland citizens who do not know and have never experienced violence, bomb warnings, bombs going off, murders, abductions or the total destruction of daily life that the Troubles brought.

Our civil servants, the Departments, the ambassadors and various Irish bodies did a tremendous amount of work preparing for a possible vote for Brexit that may or may not have happened and when there was a vote for Brexit, preparing for it although they did not know when Article 50 would be triggered. They are still working in the unknown because we are only at the start of the process which, like all divorces, could be amicable but might also be totally fraught.

There are two issues, namely, safeguarding and not jeopardising what has been achieved through the Good Friday Agreement, and safeguarding Ireland's interests. It is a balancing act. We will be trying to maintain our ties with Britain. Regardless of whether we like it, we have significant economic, political, cultural and historic ties. We hope not to get caught in the crossfire between Britain and the EU, and there is bound to be crossfire.

When we examine the Government's approach, I accept the extent of the political discussions at various levels, Michel Barnier's understanding of Ireland's position - we will hear more of that tomorrow - and what appears from the document to be the Government's confidence that Ireland's specific priorities will play a central role. However, this is not just about Britain leaving the EU. Ireland is central for many reasons. I agree that our diplomats and officials are well experienced and held in good regard. The crux, however, is that the best deal for Ireland may not complement what is the best deal for the EU. The EU will be acting collectively. A majority vote will decide Ireland's relations with Britain and Northern Ireland and, under EU voting rules, it will be difficult to hold onto Ireland's interests and to ensure that they are a priority. It will take formidable negotiating skills and bargaining with the other EU member states. I hope we do not end up doing a Faustus on this and selling our souls. The reality is that if the EU-UK agreement does not suit Ireland, as a member of the EU, Ireland will have to abide by it. We know what happens little fish in big ponds.

We have a wealth of information and papers, etc., but it seems clear that there will be at least four years of negotiations and a year for national ratification. This hinges on the financial settlement becoming a deal, which has implications for the Common Agricultural Policy. The specific issues that I see facing Ireland are our relationship with Northern Ireland; the Border; the common travel area; the protection of the Good Friday Agreement; the protection of Northern Ireland's citizens with Irish passports who are, therefore, EU citizens; Britain's financial commitments to the EU; the shortfall that will exist and how it is addressed; EU agencies currently in Britain and where they will locate; and Irish citizens in the UK and UK citizens in Ireland. We know that the common travel area, which came into being before we joined the EU, is vital for those who commute between Northern Ireland and the Republic for work, education, business, health and personal reasons. The Government papers seem to be aware of a need for transitional arrangements.

Our overdependence on the UK as a trading partner is obvious. We must look for other trading partners. We see the figures relating to that overdependence on the British market that has developed in the extent of the trade in beef, dairy products and cheese, etc. The agrifood sector has already been feeling the consequences with a loss of jobs. I know from my work with AWEPA and having been on the foreign affairs committee that so many countries outside the EU, in Africa and in the Americas want to do business with Ireland. I know, in particular, about our ambassadors in Africa who are working hard on this. We must ensure that we live up to expectations from those countries, that our trading with them will be ethical, that there will be respect for workers' rights and that taxation will be fair, open and transparent.

There are concerns around fishing. Our fishing industry lost out in previous years under the EU and just when there has been some slight improvement, there is a possibility of regression.

There is cause to reopen our embassy in Iran, but there is massive potential across the Atlantic. Given that Mexico is our biggest trading partner in Latin America, there are more opportunities there. This also applies to Cuba. We must look at having other embassies in South America because our embassy in Mexico has such a huge area to cover.

On Britain's foreign policy, it does not cover itself in glory with the extent of its arms selling to various countries. This fuels conflict and conflict fuels poverty, starvation and human rights abuses. There is a major irony here because Britain is a major contributor in terms of overseas development aid. There will be a shortfall but this will be an opportunity for the EU to look at how funding is allocated because there are major issues over the EU migration trust funds.

We need to focus on those areas such as tourism, the single electricity market and education where there is an all-Ireland approach.

I wish to mention drug trafficking and the potential impacts here from drug traffickers to exploit either a soft or a hard border. A huge drug trade already exists between Ireland and Britain. We see it in large scale seizures.

The European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction has been very influenced by British expertise in the areas of research and practice in the social and health response surrounding drugs and drug addiction. English is the primary language of communication across Europe, and there could be difficulties in that regard.

The Good Friday Agreement gives special status to Northern Ireland, and this must be protected. At a recent presentation to the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, we examined the implications regarding reconciliation and calls for a detailed study into the potential implications of Brexit for reconciliation. The presentation submitted by a speaker from the University of Ulster stated: "The evidence of divided societies everywhere is that the implications of Brexit for identity and cultural issues may be more significant and potentially dangerous in the long term than the specific economic consequences [because] uncertainty about identity and political issues can rapidly escalate into direct confrontation." We know there are threats to jobs in a number of sectors, so the negotiations must ensure high standards in employment, but there are also opportunities for more employment or alternative employment.

I acknowledge what Mrs. Theresa May said about acknowledging the UK's relationship with the Republic, the importance of the peace process and the desire to avoid a hard Border and that the withdrawal does not harm the Republic or jeopardise the peace process. We have seen the initial EU response as an understanding of Ireland's position, but it will be difficult. Regardless of what is being said, the reality is that when someone leaves a club, they will not have the same benefits as when they were a member, so there is a need for maturity, common sense and goodwill on all sides.

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