Róisín Shortall (Dublin North West, Social Democrats) | Oireachtas source

On Thursday next, the chief European Union Brexit negotiator, Michel Barnier, will come to this House. I think that is a very important occasion and it is an opportunity for Members to send a very clear message regarding the priorities for Ireland in the context of Brexit. I want to focus on a recent statement Mr. Barnier made in Brussels in the opening phase of negotiations. I want to focus on three particular areas to which he referred, namely, the financial settlement, the status of expat citizens and the future border between the UK and the EU in Ireland.

On the first of those, the financial settlement, it is not really possible to have a sensible discussion until the UK election has taken place. It would appear that Prime Minister Theresa May is using the British negotiating position as some kind of weapon in the election campaign and I suspect there will be a softening of the language around this once the Conservatives secure a majority in June, as is expected. While the bill for the UK leaving the EU may be very high, access to the Single Market is crucial to the survival of the British economy and it is worth a multiple of what it may need to pay now. The "not a penny" type of election comments and, indeed, the leaked comments from the dinner with Juncker in London are not helpful at all but they have to be viewed in the context of the UK election. That said, Ireland and the other 26 member states have an interest in ensuring, as contributors to the EU budget, that the UK pays what it owes and it is also important that this settlement is not done in a punitive manner as a deterrent in order to dissuade other countries from leaving. It is important that Ireland maintains this position.

The second point Mr. Barnier made deals with the status of expat citizens. While this does not apply directly to Ireland in the sense that we have the common travel area, which allows Irish citizens extensive rights in the UK and vice versa, other EU states that are to be friendly to our interests have a great to deal to lose on this point. The Taoiseach recently attended a kind of mini-summit with the leaders of Denmark and the Netherlands, two countries with which we historically share a common approach to the EU in terms of our three countries having small, open economies, a strong business, enterprise and trade focus and a large exposure to the UK and, therefore, likely to be hit quite hard by Brexit. I presume, then, that the Taoiseach wishes to work in tandem with these states to temper the "UK must be punished" position that seems to be emanating from some quarters in the European Commission and, indeed, some sections of the French and German political establishment. While there will, on paper, be a single EU position, it would be in our interests to work as closely as possible with like-minded states, such as those I have already mentioned - I would also include Belgium and Sweden - in respect of ensuring that the rights of EU citizens are protected in the UK. This is the only real way to prevent the UK from being ejected from the Single Market, which would be disastrous for its economy and, by default, ours and those of the other states to which I refer.

On the flip side, of course, it must be remembered there are almost 1 million British citizens living across the EU, most notably in large enclaves in the south of Spain, where there are up to 300,000 British citizens. It is estimated that over 100,000 of those in Spain alone are pensioners.

If the talks collapse without a deal, the UK may be forced to deal with a surge of returning migrants, a large chunk of whom are dependent on the state for supports. Given the current crisis with its NHS, this is surely something that the UK will wish to avoid.

The third point relates to the future border between the UK and the EU within Ireland. The media reports on this topic veer widely, from a hard Border being inevitable to one being impossible. The reality is that the status of the Border will be a litmus test for what kind of a deal emerges between the UK and the EU. If there is a toning down of the rhetoric following the election, I would hope that the prospect of a deal allowing the status quoto remain may be possible. A trade deal could be reached and goods, services and people could continue to flow freely across the Border. However, if the talks fail and there is either no deal or a very bad one, the prospect of a hard external EU border running across the island throws into sharp focus our divided loyalties on issues such as Schengen and membership of the euro. Would it be possible to maintain the common travel area with a hard Border? Would it be possible to simultaneously allow EU citizens and UK citizens free movement across the island? How would this impact on Northern Ireland, as a component part of the United Kingdom? The mooted idea of British security screening at Irish ports and airports would be a serious affront to Irish sovereignty and our ability to further integrate into the EU. This topic, of course, also poses serious challenges for Northern Ireland citizens who hold Irish citizenship. Can a person be a citizen of an EU state without being able to enjoy his or her right of free movement, for example? Undoubtedly, there are more questions than answers. The reality then is that it will not be possible to have a real debate on Brexit until after the UK general election and we can see what is the actual position of the Conservative Party. As matters stand, we are simply talking in the dark, armed only with the barest of outlines from the EU as to what will be its strategy.

Notwithstanding those three points, the big fear here is that Ireland may get squeezed in the context of the battle which is going to take place between the EU and the UK. Under no circumstances can that be allowed to happen. Ireland needs to be very careful in terms of taking a purely common approach - there are clearly common interests - with the 27. We need to stand up strongly for Ireland's interests. We are the principal country that stands to lose from Brexit, particularly in the event of it being a hard Brexit. For that reason, Ireland must speak out. We must marshal all our forces to, as it were, put on the green jersey and ensure that none of our national interests get lost in the context of the wider debate between the EU and the UK.

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