Maurice Quinlivan (Limerick City, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

I agree with Deputy Breathnach's point that we are taking part in what is unfortunately an historic debate. The context is the triggering one week ago of Article 50, setting off two years of negotiations for Brexit. In this short period, the Government managed to get off to the worst possible start, being left red-faced by Spain securing a veto over the future of Gibraltar.

Sinn Féin has been advocating since the Brexit referendum in June 2016 that the Government call for a special status designation for the North. This would not only substantially benefit North and South but would also address the serious concerns people have about the return of a hard border. Today, we again call on the Government to get its act together and put the interests of citizens, North and South first. Sitting on the sidelines in anticipation that Europe will secure a good deal for Ireland and protect our interests is not good enough. We must be more upfront in our demands and requirements.

In February, we saw the Taoiseach advocating for the future needs of a united Ireland in Europe, which was a very welcome change. However, the immediate need is for special status for the North and this should be at the forefront of negotiations. Ireland is a special case in the European Union; it is unique. Our position is different from that of every other member state. In 2014, InterTradeIreland estimated that North-South trade amounted to more than €3 billion. IBEC estimates that 35,000 people cross the Border every day, the vast majority of whom commute to work. Thousands of students travel across the Border in each direction to study, and small and medium enterprises in Border communities depend on customers from both sides of the Border to keep them in business.

While it is welcome that none of the parties to the negotiations wants a return to a hard border, unfortunately this objective is not realistic. No one is fooled by the mantra of using technology and flexible means to maintain the free flow of people and goods, North and South. It is ridiculous to believe we can maintain this position if one jurisdiction has totally different immigration and tariff rules from the other. This line fools no one, except perhaps the Government.

In February, the Dáil passed a motion on special status for the North. The motion demanded that the Government seek the designation of special status for the North in the European Union in the Brexit negotiations. It received welcome support from the Fianna Fáil Party which must be backed up. Given that this minority Government depends on Fianna Fáil support, it has the power to enforce the position set out in the motion passed by the House.

In March, the Joint Committee on Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation published a report entitled, The Likely Economic Impact of Brexit with Particular Emphasis on Jobs and Enterprise, which included the recommendation that as "part of the Brexit negotiations, it is essential to argue the case for designated special status for the North within the European Union". This, the report states, includes protection of the peace process and protection and full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and subsequent agreements; access to the EU Single Market; retention of access to all EU funding streams; continued participation in the common travel area; maintenance of access to EU institutions, including the European Court of Justice, the European Court of Human Rights and EU sectoral agreements; protection of access to EU rights pertaining to employment, social security and health care; and protection of the right of Northern Irish citizens as Irish and, therefore, EU citizens and all rights pertaining thereto.

Only today, the European Parliament voted to "recognise the unique and special circumstances confronting the island of Ireland ... ensure continuity and stability of the Northern Ireland peace process and avoid the re-establishment of a hard border". There is no reason the Government should not campaign for special status for the North. It is the closest equivalent to the current status quoand would leave the door open for the North to be reunified more easily with the South in future. The Taoiseach must tell us why he is opposed to a special status designation for the North. Will he explain the reason Ireland does not have rights similar to those secured by Spain last week? Did we ask for these rights and, if so, was our request refused or were we afraid to speak up and outline our demands? What is the Taoiseach's plan? It is not fair to citizens to be left waiting to hear what future awaits the country.

This is not only a call on the Government to do more. Fianna Fáil, the so-called republican party, is propping up this minority Government. It could, if it wished, insist the Government take a harder approach to negotiations around Brexit and set out its position on a special status designation for the North.

The way of life on this island has been hard fought for and demands absolute defence in these negotiations. Both Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil need to get their priorities in order. They must stand up for the rights of citizens, North and South, and ensure our support for any Brexit deal will be conditional on a special status designation for the North. The Dáil has clearly spoken on this issue and it is time for this minority Government to act on what this House has said.

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