Dáil debates

Tuesday, 4 April 2017

7:25 pm

Photo of Gerry AdamsGerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

The publication of the European Union's draft Brexit negotiating guidelines demonstrate clearly the failure of the Taoiseach's approach to the threat posed to the island of Ireland by Brexit. D’éirigh leis an Spáinn cros maidir le Giobráltar a bhaint amach. Ba cheart go mbeadh an Taoiseach ag iarraidh a leithéid de ghealltanas a lorg agus a bhaint amach ar son na Éireann. Spain has achieved greater negotiating leverage on the issue of Gibraltar with a veto than the Taoiseach has achieved for Ireland in respect of the North. Article 22 of the EU negotiation guidelines are clear and definitive. After Britain leaves the Union, no agreement between the EU and the British Government may apply to the territory of Gibraltar without agreement between Spain and the British Government. This is the type of veto the Taoiseach should have demanded. Let us be very clear. The British Government is seeking to impose Brexit against the will of the people in the North without any care or consideration of its impact across the island of Ireland. Brexit is bad and will be bad for our economy, jobs and trade. It has the potential to impose an EU frontier on the island of Ireland and undermine the Good Friday Agreement and subsequent agreements.

To date we have heard promises from the Government of an understanding at EU level and a shared approach with the British Government, and a lot of meaningless phraseology about friction-free borders. Citizens in the North have the right to Irish citizenship, and as well as this they have a right to European citizenship, but the letter triggering Article 50 and the EU Council's draft negotiating guidelines contain little that is definitive or helpful to these rights or to the rest of the people of Ireland. The EU draft is vague and conditional, and much clearer commitments are required. There is still time to get these clear commitments and it is the duty of the Taoiseach and the Government to secure them. An explicit commitment for the North to be designated special status in the EU is needed. This is not just the position of Sinn Féin, it is supported by the majority of parties in the Dáil and a motion to this effect was passed in February. Is the Government ignoring the will of the Dáil? It is also supported by the majority of MLAs who were elected in the recent Assembly elections. In the past, the EU has shown itself to be flexible in agreeing pragmatic arrangements for dealing with complex territorial situations. Denmark is an EU member but Greenland is outside the Union. It still receives EU funding. The EU has said there must be an innovative and imaginative approach to Brexit. Is eiseamláir de chur chuige mar seo é stádas sainithe laistigh den Aontas Eorpach.

Last week, a task force of MEPs from throughout Europe visited Ireland at the invitation of my colleagues, MEPs Mr. Matt Carty and Ms Martina Anderson. They saw at first hand the hugely negative impact Brexit would have on Ireland, particularly but not exclusively on the Border counties. They met business, civic, agriculture and other sectors, elected representatives North and South and local communities. They clearly acknowledged the need for the North to secure designated status in the EU. Special status in the European Union is a solution that will allow for the economic prosperity, trade relations and jobs on the entire island to be protected and enhanced together. Despite the talk of no return to the borders of the past, it is obvious that Brexit will see the imposition of a hard economic border on the island of Ireland.

The Government has a huge responsibility to defend the Good Friday Agreement and ensure the frontier between the European Union and Britain is not on this island. Brexit threatens to tear asunder the Good Friday Agreement. The British Government has already committed to scrapping the Human Rights Act and ending the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice and the European Convention on Human Rights. In her letter to the European Council president, Donald Tusk, British Prime Minister, Theresa May, referenced the peace process. She spoke about the need to uphold the Good Friday Agreement, but it is the British Government's refusal to implement past agreements which has contributed significantly to the current political crisis in the North's institutions.

The challenge posed by Brexit must be met with the intensity, urgency and vision that is demanded of this time in our history. This requires a seismic step change from the Irish Government. The Taoiseach must realise, and I think he has yet to realise it, that he has to stand up for the national interests of the people of the entire island of Ireland and that people have an expectation that he should do this. He has a responsibility to articulate and uphold the rights of citizens in the North. They voted to remain. The Government cannot gainsay this vote.

We also want to see the Government publish as a matter of urgency its own negotiating position so it can be debated in the Dáil. If the island of Ireland is to avoid a serious economic crisis arising from Brexit this response must be based on a comprehensive negotiation strategy with clear national objectives to protect citizens, workers and key sectors throughout the island. This means the Government working meaningfully with all political parties and all stakeholders, something they have failed to do thus far. Most importantly, this means the Irish Government must formally adopt the negotiating policy position of designated special status for the North.

Sometimes I cannot hear myself talking because of the back feed from what is obviously a very interesting conversation between the Taoiseach and his colleagues.

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